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손신영(Sohn, Shin-young) 한국민화학회 2022 한국민화 Vol.- No.16
조선시대 수륙재의식에는 수많은 사람이 모여들어 범패와 작법 즉 노래와 악기연주 · 춤을 즐겼는데, 그 의식장면은 감로탱에 재현되었다. 감로탱 중단의 시식단 왼쪽 편에 범패작법하는 승려들이, 그 앞쪽에는 발원자와 구경꾼들이 묘사된 것이다. 감로탱 중단의 의식장면은 시기별로 구분할 수 있는데, 16~18세기에는 범패작법승과 송경승의 공간이 나뉘지 않은 채, 의식 진행 상황만 시사되어 있다. 19세기 중반 이후로는 승려들의 소임에 따라 공간이 분리되어, 범패작법승이 송경승 보다 전면에 등장하는 동시에 이를 바라보는 구경꾼들이 등장해, 마치 무대에서 벌어지는 공연을 감상하는 관객처럼 묘사되며 시대변화를 드러냈다. 이글에서는 감로탱에 내포된 공간을 3개의 공간으로 나눠 살펴보았다. 그림 속 공간은 한밤중인 새벽 1~3시에 의식이 치러진 곳인데, 16세기 무렵까지는 실내일 가능성이 높고, 그 이후로는 실외였을 것으로 유추하였다. 실제로 의식이 설행된 곳은 기록을 통해, 삼단이 건물로 세워진 사례로는 진관사수륙사가 유일했음을 추론하였다. 수륙재는 대부분 사찰 내에서 설행되었으나 드물지 않게 한양 도성문 밖이나 한강 등지에서도 설행되었는데, 고혼들의 사고장소와 인접한 곳이 선택된 것을 알 수 있었다. 그림이 걸렸던 곳은 화기를 통해 파악하였는데, 시기가 내려올수록 봉안 장소가 구체적으로 명기되며 대체로 주불전에 봉안된 바를 알 수 있었다. 19세기 중반 이후 의식장면은 획기적으로 바뀌었는데, 운룡문 기둥에 줄을 묶어 여러 번과 금은전 등이 매달리고 시식단에 계단이 부가된 모습을 통해, 실제 공간은 사찰의 중정으로 추론하였다. 시식단 좌우의 보자기 장식 화병과 탁자는 왕실 하사품으로 보았으며, 촛불의 유무는 영산재 식당작법 도상과 함께 실제 의식이 영산재와 수륙재가 혼재되어 설행된 결과로 판단하였다. 기록에서 보듯, 수륙재는 노래 · 타악기연주 · 춤이 어우러지고 그림과 깃발이 나부껴 사람을 불러 모으고, 즐겁게 흥분시키는 축제의 장이었다. 감로탱 중단 의식공간은 16~18세기에는 현장 분위기 대신 의식의 기능과 의미가 강조되다가, 19세기 들어 현실을 반영하는 당대 예술문화 분위기를 수용하며, 儀式현장이 실감나게 재현되는 불교풍속화로 거듭나게 되었다. In the suryukjae ceremony, which can be seen as a festival in our traditional culture, a large number of people gathered to enjoy the beompae and writing method, that is, singing, playing musical instruments, and dancing, and the scene of the ceremony was reproduced in Gamro-Taeng. On the left side of the sisikdan(施食壇) of Gamro-Taeng, the monks are depicted, and in front of them, the originators and spectators are depicted. The ceremonial scenes of Gamro-Taeng stoppage can be divided by period. In the 16th and 18th centuries, the spaces of Beompajakbeopseung and Song Gyeongseung were not divided, only the progress of the ceremony is suggested. Since the middle of the 19th century, the space has been divided according to the duties of the monks, and the Bumpajakbeopseung appeared in front of Song Gyeongseung, while at the same time spectators who looked at it appeared, portraying the times as if they were spectators watching a performance on a stage, revealing the change of the times. In this article, I looked at the space contained in Gamro_Tang by dividing it into three spaces. The space in the picture is where rituals were held between 1 and 3 am in the middle of the night, it is highly probable that it was indoors until around the 16th century, and it was inferred that it was outdoors after that. It was deduced from the records that the actual ceremony was held, and that Jingwansa Suryuksa was the only case in which a three-tiered building was built. Most of the suryukjae were performed inside temples, but it is not rare that they were performed outside the city gates of Hanyang or on the Han River, and it was found that a place adjacent to the place of death of the deceased was chosen. The place where the painting was hung was identified through the firearm, and as the time went down, the place of enshrining was specified in detail, and it was generally possible to know what was enshrined in the Jubuljeon. Since the mid-19th century, the ceremonial scene has changed dramatically, and the actual space was inferred as the temples courtyard through the appearance of tying ropes to the pillars of Unryongmun, hanging gold and silver coins, and a staircase added to the tasting table. The vases and tables decorated with Wrapping Cloth on the left and right sides of the sisikdan were regarded as royal bounties, and the presence or absence of candles was judged as a result of a mixture of Yeongsanjae and Suryukjae, along with the diagram of the Yeongsanjae restaurant recipe.
손신영 ( Sohn Shin-young ) 한국불교사학회 한국불교사연구소 2021 한국불교사연구 Vol.19 No.-
Taking Icheon Five-Story Stone Pagoda out of Joseon can be explained into two stages. The first step is to take it out from the original location to Gyeongbokgung Palace. Until now, it has been considered having taken it out from the original location to decorate the outdoor garden in front of Art Museum of Joseon Mulsan Gongjinhoe (Joseon Industrial Exhibition) held in 1915. However, through the article Maeil Shinbo in 1913, it can be understood that Japanese imperialists had tried to collect the excellent cultural relics of Joseon Dynasty before Gongjinhoe. Thus, It can also be inferred that Icheon Five-Story Stone Pagoda which has worth preserving were moved to Japan. The second stage is the export from Gyeongbokgung Palace to Okurashukokan in Tokyo, Japan. Okura wanted to take over the tower in front of the Pyongyang train station, but Japanese Government-General of Korea mobilized Historic Site Investigation Committee and recommended that Icheon Five-Story Stone Pagoda be taken out. That was the reason it was not worth keeping in Government-General Museum because it was not excellent and had no historical data. Japanese Government-General of Korea could not but claim that on the contrary to its first export intention in order not to ignore Okura’s request.
손신영 ( Sohn Shin-young ) 한국불교사학회 한국불교사연구소 2020 한국불교사연구 Vol.17 No.-
History of Gwishinsa-Temple has been transmitted with a mixture of oral tradition and real fact. Moreover, it was thought that the name “Gwishinsa-Temple” began to be used only in the late Joseon Dynasty, but it is confirmed that it was already recorded as Gwishinsa-Temple in the Goryeo Dynasty. At the end of the Joseon Dynasty, it was sometimes referred to as Gusinsa Temple, because ‘Gu” seems to have originated from a local dialect called ‘Gwi’. Although its current whereabouts is unknown, the bronze incense burner, which was made in the 14th century, has been found, and < Gwishinsa 3-story stone pagoda > is also considered to have been constructed in the 14th century, so it can be inferred that the temple was reconstructed in the 14th century during the late Goryeo Dynasty. During the Joseon Dynasty, it was known that there were the reconstructions only before 1624 and in 1633. However, it can be estimated that it was reconstructed between 1601 and 1614 through some records and the publication of 『The Lotus Sutra』 in 1609. In terms of structure, it is understood that the regional characteristics are reflected in the wooden and the stone structures of Gwishinsa-Temple, such as Daejeokgwangjeon and < Gwishinsa 3-story stone pagoda >. In particular, Ha-ang, whose traces were identified from the back of Daejeokwangjeon, can be also seen in Geungnakjeon of Hwaamsa-Temple in Wanju and its traces are also found in Mireukjeon and Geumgangmun of Geumsansa-Temple. That Ha-ang remains concentrated in the areas of Baekje, such as Wanju and Kimje, suggests that Baekje style has been inherited for a long time, which is supported by the facts that the style is also reflected in < Gwishinsa 3-story stone pagoda > and < Cheongdori 3-story stone pagoda >. In addition, one can deduce that Gwishinsa-Temple is related to the former royal family. This is because it was founded as a national shrine(Guksinsa) during the Unified Silla period and monks from the prince and the Jongsil were sent as Juji during the Goryeo Dynasty. Also, it can be inferred that the remodeling of the temple during the Joseon Dynasty was made in connection with King Injo who was the father of King Wonjong. On the other hand, the stone animal statue can be assumed as a stone lion statue and stone pedestal through the lion statues on the left and right sides of < Nongok-ri Three-story stone pagoda > in Gurye. This is because through Sajaseokdeung in front of < Cheongnyongsa Bogak Guksa Jeong Hyewon Pagoda >, the stone statue would be a pedestal for a lion stone lantern that is usually built in front of a pagoda.
손신영 ( Sohn Shin-young ) 한국불교사학회 한국불교사연구소 2019 한국불교사연구 Vol.16 No.-
The Sejon Stupa of Bong-in temple was illegally looted and was taken out to Japan during the Japanese colonial period and returned to Korea, 60 years later, in 1987. The looting of the stupa began with stealing the sarira reliquary joined by the pro-Japanese Lee Ho-young. Since then, all of the cultural assets related to the stupa were sold to Japanese Iwada Senso. Although the Sejon Stupa of Bong-in temple is similar in shape to the stupa of Buddhist Monk Muhak formed during king Taejong period, the proportion of Okgaeseok(the roof stone) and the upper part follows that of Joseon Dynasty stupa. The shape of the railing stone was confirmed to be the same as the lotus shaped railing stone of Tongmyeongjeon in Changgyeonggung Palace, and it can be inferred that it was created by national artisans in the 17th century. It seems that the Sejon Stupa of Bong-in temple was enclosed inside the pagoda, just like the stupa of Heungcheonsa constructed in Sarira-jeon.
손신영 ( Sohn Shin-young ) 한국밀교학회 2023 불교학밀교학연구 Vol.4 No.-
이 글은 경기도 이천 영월암과 영월암 대웅전에 대한 여러 전언과 자료를 정리하고 검토한 후, 건축적 특징을 살핀 것이다. 영월암은 1760년 무렵부터 북악사로 기록되어왔으나, 1872년 제작된 〈이천부일경지도〉에 ‘영월암’이라 표기되어 있어, 그 전신이 북악사임을 알 수 있다. 영월암에서 가장 오래된 불전인 대웅전은 1953년에 이천향교의 누각이었던 풍영루 재목으로 지어진 것으로 알려졌지만 입증하는 자료가 없었다. 이천에 세거하는 원로들의 증언과 건축형식 비교를 토대로, 이천관아의 외삼문인 문루가 1914년 무렵, 일제에 의해 해체되어 사라질 위기에 처하자 지역사회는 관아의 문루를 보존키 위해 이천향교의 명륜당 앞쪽으로 이건 한 후 풍영루라 명명(命名)하고 1933년 들어 보수하였는데 풍영루가 1948년 8월에 붕괴되자, 그 재목을 영월암으로 옮겨 대웅전으로 지은 것을 추론할 수 있었다. 조선왕조의 통치시설이던 관아의 입구를 상징하는 문루가 유교시설인 향교로 옮겨졌다가 영월암으로 이건되어 대웅전으로 활용되고 있다는 점과 19세기 후반의 건축형식적 요소가 잘 반영되어 있다는 점은, 이천 영월암 대웅전의 건축사적 의미를 시사하고 있다. This text examines the historical and architectural aspects of Yeongwolam and Yeongwolam Daewoongjeon in Icheon, Gyeonggi Province, after which it investigates the architectural features. Initially known as Bukaksa in 1760, a 1872 map shows ‘Yeongwolam’, suggesting its earlier association with Bukaksa. The oldest Buddhist hall in Yeongwolam, Daewoongjeon, is said to have been built in 1953 using materials from the pavilion of Pungnyeongnu, a building of Icheonhyanggyo, but there is no evidence to support this. Based on the testimony of elders in Icheon and a comparison of architectural styles, it is inferred that the Munru (gatehouse) of Icheon-gwan (official residence) was relocated in the early 1914s, threatened with destruction by the Japanese, to be preserved, renamed Pungnyeongnu, and renovated in front of Myeongnyundang of Icheonhyanggyo. When Pungnyeongnu collapsed in August 1948, it was deduced that its materials were moved to Yeongwolam and used to build Daewoongjeon. The fact that the entrance gatehouse(Munru) symbolizing the official residence of the Joseon Dynasty was relocated from a Confucian school(hyanggyo) to Yeongwolam and repurposed as Daewoongjeon, along with the well-reflected architectural elements from the late 19th century, highlights the architectural significance of Yeongwolam Daewoongjeon in Icheon.
손수인 ( Sohn Su In ),신영전 ( Shin Young-jeon ),김창엽 ( Kim Chang-yup ) 한국보건사회연구원 2010 保健社會硏究 Vol.30 No.1
This study examines the scale of occurrence of Catastrophic Health Expenditure (CHE), and identifies the factors influencing CHE among low-income households. Korea Welfare Panel (KOWEP) (2006) were used in the study. CHE is defined by when the households` medical spending out of ability to pay exceeds 10%, 20%, 30%, and 40%. The study examined the frequency of CHE with 6,992 households, Moreover, among 3,233 low-income households whose income amounts to less than 60% of the median income, logistic regression was conducted. The occurrence of CHE in the entire household appeared to be 19.1%, 9.7%, 5.8%, and 3.7% with the threshold at 10%, 20%, 30%, and 40%. For the low-income households, it accounted for 32.2%, 19.5%, 12.0%, and 7.8%, which showed a significant increase compare to the average households. The following cases showed high chances of incurring CHE: When the householder is female, older than 65, unemployed, less educated, has no spouse, has poor perceived health status, has a low income, has chronic sufferers in the family, has no child under five years old, and has a small number of family members. It also showed that those with national health insurance as a form of medical security rated higher than those with medical aid. The higher incidence of CHE among low-income households implies that South Korea offers a low level of medical security, which can drive its people to poverty.
다문화 청소년의 삶의 만족도에 미치는 영향요인 분석 : 다문화청소년패널조사를 활용하여
손신영(Shin-Young Sohn) 다문화건강학회 2023 다문화건강학회지 Vol.13 No.2
Purpose: This study analyzed factors influencing the life satisfaction of multicultural adolescents and was purposed to de-velop an intervention program aimed towards life satisfaction of multicultural adolescents. Methods: Data were procured from the second wave of Multicultural Adolescents Panel Study(MAPS) 2 and analyzed using the SPSS 26.0 program. Results: The significant predictors of life satisfaction of multicultural adolescents were determined to be self-esteem, sub-jective psychological health status, parental support, cultural adaptation stress, bicultural acceptance, and economic level. These factors accounted for 40.0% of the variance in life satisfaction of multicultural adolescents. Conclusion: We propose the necessity to develop intervention programs that help promote life satisfaction of multicultural adolescents by applying the results of this study.