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      • 충남 서천 갯벌 조간대 대형저서동물의 군집구조 분석

        손대선,김광배,박혜란,김다예,박상혁,김종춘,한형섬,마채우 순천향대학교 기초과학연구소 2017 순천향자연과학연구 논문집 Vol.23 No.2

        Investigations were performed on macrobenthic community tidal flats of Seocheon, mid-western coast of Korea, in Fall 2014. Macrobenthic fauna consisted of 56 species with 149 inds./㎡ and 198.8 gWWt/㎡ biomass. Species composition was increased from the upper to the lower tide level. The dominant species were Nihonotrypaea japonica (Crustacea), Maldanidae unid. (Polychaetes), Leonnates nipponicus (Polychaetes). The highest dominant species was Prionospio sp. in the upper, Leonnates nipponicus in the middle and Perinereis linea in the low tide level. Based on the tide level, the study area is significantly (p<0.05) divided the middle and low tide level macrobenthic communities were classified into one group. SIMPER analysis showed that Nihonotrypaea japonica Felaniella sowerbyi (Bivalvia) and Leonnates nipponicus ontributed to the group. The results of the K-dominance curve and BPI analysis showed that the environment was uncontaminated and relatively stable. From this study, it may be concluded that a small macrobenthic community and it is judged that the tidal flats are not polluted and are good environment.

      • KCI등재

        전시작전통제권 전환정책 결정요인에 관한 연구 - 노무현, 이명박, 박근혜 정부의 정책결정 차이를 중심으로 -

        손대선 육군군사연구소 2017 군사연구 Vol.- No.143

        This article analyzes what determines the course of the Wartime Operational Control(WT-OPCON) transfer Policy. This article sets two independent variables, the President's perception of Korean Armed Forces' relative power over the North Korean Army's and U.S. strategic preference toward ROK-US alliance. These two variables interact with each other and the outcome of such interactions can be categorized by three types of policy decision, ‘transferring WT-OPCON unconditionally’, ‘transferring WT-OPCON conditionally’, ‘transferring WT-OPCON when appropriate’. During the Roh administration, the President perceived military ‘superiority’ of Korean Armed Forces over North Korean Armed Forces. And the U.S. strategic preference toward the ROK-US alliance was built upon an ‘internationalism'. These two factors resulted in the policy of ‘transferring WT-OPCON unconditionally’. However, during the Lee administration, the President perceived military ‘inferiority’ of Korean Armed Forces over North Korean Armed Forces. And the U.S. strategic preference toward the ROK-US alliance was built upon an ‘internationalism’. These two factors resulted in the policy of ‘transferring WT-OPCON when appropriate’. Lastly, during the Park administration, the President perceived military ‘inferiority’ of Korean Armed Forces over North Korean Armed Forces. And the U.S. strategic preference toward the ROK-US alliance was built upon a ‘Status Que’. These two factors result in the policy of ‘transferring WT-OPCON conditionally’. 본 논문은 한국의 전시작전통제권 전환정책에 영향을 미친 요인을 연구한 글이다. 이를 위해 노무현 정부에서의 전작권 전환 정책, 이명박 정부에서의 전작권 전환 연기 정책, 박근혜 정부에서의 전작권 전환 재연기 정책을 대상으로 무엇이 연속적인 정부에서 동일한 사안에 대해 서로 다른 정책결과를 가져왔는지 연구하였다. 이에 본 논문은 한국 지도자의 대북 군사력에 대한 상대적 수준 인식과 한미동맹에 대한 미국의 전략성향을 핵심변수로 설정하여 이 두 변수간의 상호작용이 정책결정에 영향을 미침을 설명하였다. 노무현 정부시절 대통령은 대북 군사력의 상대적 수준을 우세하게 인식하였고, 당시 미국의 한미동맹 전략성향은 국제주의적 특성을 보였다. 이러한 두 변수의 조합은 ‘전작권의 무조건적 전환’이라는 정책결과로 도출되었다. 반면 이명박 정부시절 대통령은 대북 군사력의 상대적 수준을 열세로 인식하였고, 당시 미국의 한미동맹 전략성향은 국제주의적 특성을 보였다. 이러한 두 변수의 조합은 ‘전작권의 적시적 전환’이라는 정책결과로 도출되었다. 마지막으로 박근혜 정부시절 대통령은 대북 군사력의 상대적 수준을 열세로 인식하였고, 당시 미국의 한미동맹 전략성향은 현상유지적 특성을 보였다. 이러한 두 변수의 조합은 ‘전작권의 조건적 전환’이라는 정책결과로 도출되었다. 본 연구를 통해 전작권 전환에 대한 외교안보정책은 지도자의 군사력에 대한 인식변수와 미국의 한미동맹에 대한 전략성향 변수의 상호작용으로 설명할 수 있음을 확인하였다.

      • KCI등재

        중국의 한국에 대한 군사개입과 대응 방안: 중국의 비전투원후송작전(NEO)을 중심으로

        손대선 세종연구소 2022 국가전략 Vol.28 No.2

        This study argues that in the event of a crisis on the Korean Peninsula or in the transition to war, if appropriate protection measures are not taken for foreigners residing in the Republic of Korea, China will implement a non-combatant evacuation operation (NEO) to rescue its citizens residing in the Republic of Korea while demanding the permission of the intervention of the Chinese People's Liberation Army to the Korean Peninsula. In the process of changing of Chinese non-intervention foreign policy, China has implemented NEO, which guarantees legitimacy under international law. In particular, it is expected that the NEO in the Republic of Korea will be implemented in terms of not only rescuing more than 700,000 citizens, but also maintaining its prestige as a great power at the strategic level, maintaining the Chinese Communist Party's regime, and taking preemptive measures in the US-China strategic competition. Therefore, countermeasures are proposed to prevent the intervention of the Chinese People's Liberation Army using NEO as an excuse in advance. 본 연구는 한반도 위기 상황 시 또는 전시 전환 시, 한국에 거주하고 있는 외국인들에 대한 적절한 보호 대책이 강구되지 않으면, 중국은 한국에 거주하고 있는 자국민을 구출하기 위해 비전투원후송작전(NEO)을 시행할 것이고, 이때 중국 인민해방군의 개입 허용을 요구할 것이라 주장한다. 중국은 비개입주의 외교정책의 변화과정 속에서 국제법적 정당성이 보장된 NEO를 시행하여 왔다. 특히 중국은 한국에 거주하는 70만 명 이상의 자국민 구출뿐만 아니라 강대국으로서의 위신 유지, 중국공산당의 정권 유지, 미・중 전략경쟁에서의 선제적 조치를 위해 한국에서 NEO를 시행할 것이라 예상한다. 따라서 NEO를 빌미로 한 중국 인민해방군의 개입을 사전에 방지하기 위한 대응 방안을 제시하였다.

      • KCI등재

        김정은 시기 북한의 대미전략: 내·외적 균형의 조정

        손대선 사단법인 한국국가전략연구원 2023 한국국가전략 Vol.8 No.2

        This study analyzes North Korea's strategy toward the U.S. with the background of Kim Jong-un's unforeseen dialogues with neighboring countries between 2018 and 2019. From the time Kim Jong-un took power to 2017, North Korea, amid the cooling of Sino-North Korean relations, pursued an internal balancing to strengthen its nuclear power to acquire deterrence capability against the U.S. However, behind the summit with the ROK and U.S., which occurred from 2018, there was a strengthening of the Sino-North Korea alliance through five summit meetings. This was a departure from an internal balancing to an external balancing rather than the pursuit of a bandwagoning for North Korea's true denuclearization. And it is argued that the main cause of this strategic coordination was the U.S.-China relations variable, which was transformed from a bipolar system to a hegemonic competition system. Therefore, the continuity of the balancing strategy against the U.S. is confirmed under the Kim Jong-un regime.

      • 새만금 연안 조하대 대형저서동물의 동계와 하계 군집구조 분석

        손대선,김광배,박혜란,감다예,유주현,김종춘,한형섬,마채우 순천향대학교 기초과학연구소 2017 순천향자연과학연구 논문집 Vol.23 No.1

        Macrobenthic community structure was studied in the subtidal zone on outer sea of the Saemangeum in winter and summer 2011. Environmental factors were mean grain size (7.9ø) and COD (109.1 g/kg). The sediments consisted mostly of silt and clay. The results of analysis of macrobenthos shows that a total of 134 species with the mean density of 1,774 inds./㎡. There were 100 species in February and 82 species in August, and it was relatively high in February. However, the density increased to 604 inds./㎡ in February and 2,944 inds./㎡ in August. The dominant species was Mediomastus sp. (47.2%), and Theora fragilis (13.6%). The subdominant species were Heteromastus filiformis, Tharyx sp., Notomastus sp. and Raetella pulchella. The species diversity index ranged from 0.85 to 3.27 in February and August with an average of 2.18(±0.72). Community structure based on cluster analysis was discriminated into six groups. SIMPER analysis were Mediomastus sp., T. fragilis, and H. filiformis mainly contributed to the classification of station groups.

      • KCI등재

        중견국 대한민국의 유엔 평화유지활동 리더십 발휘방안: 고위급 직책 배출을 중심으로

        손대선 한국국방연구원 2017 국방정책연구 Vol.33 No.1

        This paper highlights the necessity to exercise leadership in the UN Peace Keeping Operations conducted by Republic of Korea and lays out its scheme. ROK, as a pivotal middle power, has been engaging in the UN PKO as middle power diplomacy. ROK especially needs to exercise leadership in this area in terms of compensating prior support from the UN, maintaining peace, and preparing peaceful unification in the future. Exercising leadership in the UN PKO means producing many Special Representative of the Secretary General, Force Commander, and Chief Military Observer who are in charge of each operation. However, ROK has not exerted its leadership in a way that corresponds to its national power, status, and expectation from the international society. If ROK produces more dignitaries, it can improve its leadership. This action could be both active and creative and serve as a long term strategy to pursue vital national interest. Therefore, this paper analyzes the current status and problems of ROK based on the data from SRSG, FC, CMO in current operations, and suggests future directions.

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