Language Situation, Attitude, and Practice in Kenya

Seol Byung-Soo(설병수) 한국아프리카학회 2009 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.29 No.-

본고의 목적은 케냐의 언어 상황이 화자들의 언어 태도와 언어 실천에 어떻게 영향을 미쳐 왔는지를 검토하는 데 있다. 이를 위해 필자는 첫째, 주 조사지인 우모자와 부루부루의 역사, 인구학적 특징, 사회·경제적 배경 등을 소개하였다. 둘째, 케냐의 언어 상황을 역사적 맥락에서 살펴보았다. 셋째, 상이한 사회적 정체성을 가진 화자들의 언어 태도와 언어 실천을 고찰하였다. 1970년대 초반 경부터 나이로비는 현저한 인구 증가로 인해 급속도로 팽창하기 시작했다. 부루부루와 우모자가 건설된 것은 이러한 팽창의 결과였다. 우모자는 주로 중하층의 사람들이 사는 주거 지역이기 때문에 기반시설의 상태가 양호하지 못하다. 이에 비해, 부루부루는 주로 중산층의 사람들이 사는 주거 지역이기 때문에 현대식 쇼핑센터를 갖추고 있을 뿐만 아니라 기반시설의 상태도 비교적 양호한 편이다. 케냐의 언어 상황의 복잡성은 이 국가의 사회사에 그 뿌리를 두고 있다. 현재 스와힐리어와 영어는 공식적 인정을 받고 있지만, 토착어들은 결코 정당한 관심을 획득하지 못하고 있다. 영어와 더불어 스와힐리어는 종족 간의 의사소통, 교육, 정치 회합, 대중매체, 공공 서비스, 상업 활동 등에서 사용된다. 그러나 영어는 학교 교육 전반에서 수업 매체로 사용되고 있는 반면, 스와힐리어는 단지 하나의 과목으로만 가르쳐지고 있다. 영어는 스와힐리어와 함께 공식어이긴 하나, 가장 위신있는 언어로 간주된다. 스와힐리어는 1974년에 국가어로 지정되긴 했으나, 그간 이 언어는 국가 수준에서 일관성 있게 검토되지 못했다. 오늘날 케냐의 언어 상황은 '복잡성'과 '정신분열증'이라는 단어들로 특징 지어진다. 이러한 상황은 화자들의 언어 태도와 언어 실천에 지대한 영향을 미쳐 왔다. 대다수의 케냐인들은 모어의 중요성을 강조하기는 하나, 사회·경제적 이점을 지니고 있는 영어나 스와힐리어를 선호한다. 즉, 그들은 영어, 스와힐리어 및 모어에 대해 모순된 태도를 취하고 있다. 그 결과, 소수 종족 집단의 언어들은 사멸의 위기에 직면해 왔다. 또한, 상이한 사회적 정체성을 가진 화자들 간의 언어 실천 과정에서는 힘의 논리가 작용하고 있다. 그들 간의 갈등을 초래하는 이러한 현상은 종족 집단간 및 세대 간의 언어 실천에서 더욱 명확하게 나타난다. 이것은 언어적 위계질서는 사회적 위계질서와 불가분의 관계에 있음을 의미한다. 그리고 케냐 사회의 문화적 규범으로 인해, 양성(兩性) 간의 언어 사용에서도 차이가 발견된다. 이 사실은 언어 실천 과정에서 남성은 남성답게 되는 것을, 그리고 여성은 여성답게 되는 것을 배운다는 것을 보여준다. 요약하자면, 그들의 모순된 감정과 그들 간의 갈등이 종종 드러나는 화자들의 언어 태도와 언어 실천은 복잡하고 정신분열적인 케냐의 언어 상황을 반영한다.

The Dynamics of Ethnic Relations in Ethiopia

Seol, Byung-Soo(설병수) 한국아프리카학회 2014 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.42 No.-

메네릭 2세가 영토를 확장하기 시작한 19세기 말부터, 에티오피아는 오늘날의 국경과 종족 구성을 가지게 되었다. 에티오피아 사회에서 다양한 갈등이 영속적으로 존재하는 주된 이유는 배타적인 정치 관행이 만연해 있고, 상이한 사람들을 지배하기 위해 무력이 사용되기 때문이다. 이러한 경향은 황제 시대와 더그 정권 때 더욱 두드러지게 나타났다. 1991년에 집권한 에티오피아 인민혁명전선은 부당한 종족 관계를 바로잡기위해 노력해 왔다. 그럼에도 불구하고 다양한 이해관계에서 비롯되는 종족 갈등은 여전히 에티오피아 전역에 만연해 있다. 본 연구의 목적은 메키 타운에 대한 민족지적 연구를 통해 에티오피아의 종족 관계의 역동성을 상호 작용과 갈등의 맥락에서 검토하는 데 있다. 본 연구의 주요 내용을 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 이 타운에서 발견되는 종족 갈등은 하일레 셀라시에 시대의 강요된 개종 및 더그 정권시대의 토지 개혁과 오로모족의 잔학 행위에 그 뿌리를 두고 있었다. 둘째, 이 타운의 지배 종족인 오로모족은 장기간의 역사적 경험으로 인해, 심리적으로 여전히 암하라족의 지배를 받고 있었다. 셋째, 오로모족과 여타 종족 간에는 개인적?집단적 수준에서 다양한 형태의 종족 차별이 존재하고 있었다. 넷째, 비(非)오로모 종족 집단들의 상당수 구성원은 그 공동체에서 생존하기 위해 이미 오로모화되었다. 다섯째, 그 공동체의 상이한 종족 집단은 다양한 형태로 경제적 상호 작용을 하고 있으며, 구라게족의 상권 장악은 종족 집단 간 잠재적 갈등을 유발해 왔다. 메키 사람들 간의 종족적 상호 작용과 갈등은 수 세대에 걸친 그들의 사회문화적?경제적?정치적 존재 조건을 반영하는 역사적 경험의 맥락에서 이해되어야 한다. 또한 그 공동체의 종족 관계는 본질적으로 유동적이고 역동적이며, 그 관계는 상이한 집단의 내?외적 존재 조건에 따라 달라질 수밖에 없다는 사실도 강조될 필요가 있다. It was in the late 19th century when Ethiopia appeared with its current borders and ethnic formation owing to the territorial expansion launched by Emperor Menelik Ⅱ. The everlasting nature of conflicts in the state can be primarily explained by its exclusive political practices and the use of cruel force to control different people. It is clear that such a tendency was more remarkable during the periods of the Ethiopian Emperors and the Derg government. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which was established in 1991, has endeavored to redress unreasonable ethnic relations. Ethnic conflicts deriving from diverse interests are, nonetheless, still rampant in the different corners of the state. The purpose of the current study is to examine the dynamics of ethnic relations in Meki Town in the context of interaction and conflicts, based on my fieldwork, which was executed in the community. The major findings of this study are summarized as follows. First, ethnic conflicts in the Meki community have resulted from three significant events: ⅰ) the forced religious conversion during the Haile Sellassie period; ⅱ) the land reform during the Derg government; and ⅲ) the Oromo’s atrocities against other ethnic groups during the Derg epoch. Second, the Oromo were being still dominated psychologically by the Amhara because of their long historical experiences. Third, there have been diverse forms of ethnic discrimination between the Oromo and other ethnic groups at the individual and collective levels. Fourth, many members of non-Oromo ethnic groups have been Oromonized for their survival in the community. Finally, there has been economic interaction among different ethnic groups, and latent conflicts have taken place among them due to the Gurage’s domination of the commercial hegemony of the community. The ethnic interaction and conflicts among Meki people should be understood in the context of their historical experiences which reflect their sociocultural, economic and political conditions of existence over generations. It should be also noted that ethnic relations in the community are essentially fluid and dynamic, depending upon internal and external conditions of existence of different groups.

에티오피아의 종족 연방주의와 종족 갈등

설병수(Seol, Byung-Soo) 한국아프리카학회 2014 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.43 No.-

The purpose of this article is to examine ethnic federalism in Ethiopia and ethnic conflicts. More concretely, the present paper explores the historical development of ethnic federalism and the ethnic conflicts under it, after reviewing its bases such as ethnic and religious diversity, linguistic pluralism and administrative autonomy. Modernization of Ethiopia was begun by Emperor Menelik Ⅱ who expanded its territory to the south in the late 19th century. Both Menelik Ⅱ and Haile Selassie Ⅰ forced other ethnic groups to adopt the dominant culture of the Amhara. The military government, came to power in 1991, did not properly deal with the ethnic right to self-determination and rather made worse the issue by depending on extreme violence. It was in 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power. The new government adopted ethnic federalism to manage linguistic and cultural diversity and to resolve ethnic conflicts. Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia is based on ethnic and religious diversity, linguistic pluralism and administrative autonomy. Concerned with ethnic federalism under the democratic government, there have been two contrary views. Some scholars argue that ethnic federalism has been comparatively successful because unlike the past days, large scale civil wars or ethnic movements are little found nowadays. However, others contend that ethnic federalism has not been worked because ethnic conflicts or struggles are still happening frequently. The reasons why ethnic conflicts have continuously occurred under ethnic federalism can be explained by the following five factors. First, ethnic-based federalism instigates competition among ethnic groups over land (territory), ethnic identity, political power and administrative dominance. Second, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front government has an inherent limitation which can bring out inequalities in carrying out diverse state policies related to ethnic groups. Third, even though ethnic federalism recognizes cultural and linguistic rights, the federal government does not take responsibility for the ethnic conflicts at the local level. Fourth, there are the imbalances of power and sources between the federal and regional governments. Finally, there are the diverse imbalances among different regional states as well.

에티오피아의 토지 보유 체계와 토지 정책

설병수(Seol, Byung-Soo) 한국아프리카학회 2015 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.44 No.-

이 글의 목적은 19세기 후반 이래 에티오피아의 토지 문제를 고찰하는 데 있었다. 이러한 목적 하에 이 글은 세 개의 상이한 시대 즉, 황제 시대, 더그 시대, 에티오피아 인민혁명민주전선 시대의 토지 보유 체계를 살펴본 후에, 토지 정책의 주요 쟁점과 문제를 검토하였다. 황제 시대에는 다양한 형태의 토지 보유 체계-예컨대 리스트, 세몬, 마데리아, 게바르 등-가 존재했다. 황제들과 엘리트 집단은 자신들의 권력을 유지하고 영속화하기 위해 토지를 통제했다. 지배 계급 구성원들은 토지를 통해 많은 혜택을 누렸으나, 대다수의 민중은 소작인의 삶을 살면서 불안정한 토지권 때문에 고통을 받았다. 1974년에 집권한 더그 정권은 그 이듬해인 1975년에 토지를 국유화하고, ‘토지는 경작자에게로’라는 슬로건 하에 토지 개혁을 단행하여, 수세기 동안 존속했던 봉건 체제를 철폐했다. 1991년에 집권한 현 정부는 국민에게 토지 소유권을 부여함으로써, 구시대의 토지 보유 체계를 청산할 것으로 기대되었다. 그러나 현 정부는 더그 정부와 마찬가지로 농촌과 도시의 모든 토지와 천연자원에 대한 소유권을 가지고 있다. 그 결과 농촌 주민은 보유권(사용권)을, 그리고 도시 주민은 차지권을 가지고 있을 뿐이다. 이러한 현상은 현 정권의 토지 정책이 더그 정권의 토지 정책과 본질적으로 다르지 않음을 보여 준다. 그간 에티오피아에서는 토지 정책과 관련된 다양한 논쟁이 발생해 왔다. 주된 논쟁은 토지를 누가 소유하는 것이 국가 발전에 도움이 되느냐 하는 것이었다. 정부의 입장에 따르면 토지는 ‘사회적 평등’과 ‘보유의 안정성’을 위해 국유 재산으로 관리되어야 한다. 정부는 국가의 토지 소유권이야말로 농민을 시장의 힘으로부터 보호할 수 있는 최상의 기제라고 주장한다. 그러나 에티오피아의 토지 문제를 연구하는 사람들의 대부분은 토지 이용자들이 보유의 불안에 시달리게 되면, 토지 생산성의 향상을 기대하기 어렵다고 주장한다. 토지 정책을 시행하는 과정에서 발생하는 각종 부패 문제도 에티오피아 사회의 발전을 저해하는 주요인 중 하나로 간주되고 있다. 이러한 부패 현상은 토지 관련 제도와 정책 자체의 문제뿐만 아니라 이것들을 시행하는 데 필요한 인적·물적 자원의 문제에서 비롯된다. This article aims to examine the land tenure systems and land policies in Ethiopia since the late 19th century. The present paper explored the issues and problems of land policy, after reviewing the land tenure systems of three different periods, i.e., the imperial, Derg and Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front periods. During the imperial regime, there were diverse forms of land tenure systems-e.g., rist, semon, maderia and gebar-in Ethiopia. Emperors and the elite controlled land in order to maintain and perpetuate their power. The dominant class members enjoyed a lot of benefits from land, whereas the majority of common people suffered from insecure rights to land while living a life as tenants. It was in 1974 when the military government called the Derg came to power. The Derg regime nationalized all land in Ethiopia and carried out land reform under the slogan of “Land to the Tiller” in 1975 so as to abolish the feudal system which had survived over several centuries. When the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front came to power in 1991, it was expected that it will abolish the old land tenure system, by providing ownership of land to people. However, the present government, just like the Derg government, has owned all land in rural and urban areas and natural resources. As a result, rural people have had only land holding rights and urban people have just leasehold rights. This phenomenon shows that the Derg regime and the present regime are not different essentially in terms of land policy. There have been diverse debates in Ethiopia concerned with land policy. The major debate is related to ownership of land. The government argues that state ownership of land is the best mechanism which enables peasants to protect against market forces. However, many students assert that, if land users suffer from insecurity of tenure, land productivity cannot be expected. In addition, various forms of corruption, which are found in the process of executing land policy, have been one of the major factors which hinder the development of Ethiopian society. It is no doubt that such corruption has been derived from the problem of human and material resources as well as that of institutions and policies related land.

<기획 : 아프리카 문화권의 이해> ; 에티오피아의 조혼 관습에 대한 생애사적 접근

설병수 ( Byung Soo Seol ) 경희대학교 글로벌인문학술원 2016 비교문화연구 Vol.42 No.-

Early marriage in contemporary society has brought about many problems. The practice is encouraged by gender inequality, poverty and social norms. It reproduces social power imbalances including increased economic vulnerability of women, low educational attainment of girls, gender inequality at home and in the labor market, physical and sexual violence against women and their health problems. The Ethiopian government increased the minimum legal age of marriage for women from 15 to 18 years, by revising its family code in 2000 and newly adopting a criminal law in 2005 that includes punishment against any harmful tradition. Nonetheless, early marriage is still widely practiced in many parts of rural Ethiopia. This is because the practice has long been embedded and deeply rooted in the lives of the people. Earlier literature on early marriage in Ethiopia tends to focus only on women’s experiences and regard that all early-married people, particularly women, are unhappy with their lives. This paper attempts to explore the issue of early marriage through voices of people with diverse socioeconomic backgrounds, in order to address the limitations of the previous literature. This article aims at examining why early marriage has occurred in Ethiopia and how it has affected family life and women’s educational attainment, focusing on the case of Meki town. As seen from this study, it is true that early marriage generally had negative influences on the lives of women. However, it is equally true that some men are also victims of the practice while some women have improved their lives by means of it. This implies that we need to listen to the voices of diverse people when we examine early marriage.

종족 현상의 다층적 맥락: 에티오피아 아셀라 타운의 사례를 중심으로

설병수 ( Seol Byung-soo ) 경희대학교 글로벌인문학술원 2017 비교문화연구 Vol.48 No.-

The purpose of this study is to examine the ethnic phenomenon in the multi-layered context, based upon data collected from my fieldwork in Asella Town, Ethiopia. The town has experienced few ethnic conflicts at the collective level because of ecological conditions, the numerical balance between the two major ethnic groups―i.e., the Oromo and the Amhara―, frequent ethnic intermarriages as well as effects of a unique sociocultural practice of `breast-feeding.` However, despite positive influences of such a practice, the local community has continuously witnessed discrimination and threats by the dominant ethnic group. Most of my informants feel that ethnic intermarriage contributes to: (ⅰ) enforcement of bonds among both ethic groups and community members, (ⅱ) acquisition of different ethnic cultures, (ⅲ) cultivation of the spirit of tolerance among people, and (ⅳ) production of the superior second generation that has hybrid/multiple ethnic identities. However, some informants harbor negative attitudes towards ethnic intermarriage because they perceive it as a selfish choice of two parties and damages ethnic identity. Most informants consider ongoing Oromonization as natural, whereas others insist that it should be understood in the context of coercion, superficiality and survival strategy.

아프리카의 신부대(bride wealth) 관습: 변화와 재구성의 맥락

설병수 ( Seol Byung-soo ) 경희대학교 글로벌인문학술원 2018 비교문화연구 Vol.50 No.-

It is noted that nowadays, the bride wealth custom takes an extremely distorted form in African society. Such a phenomenon is a result that the male-dominant culture, Western religions, and capitalist economic system have been negatively combined into dynamic factors seen as bride wealth. This means that the concept of bride wealth has been incessantly reconstructed in the middle of clash and conflict of tradition and modernity. There is also little doubt that the practice is inextricably tangled with the common and current ways of livelihood, early marriage, polygyny, kinship/family structure, poverty, and migration labor. Bride wealth has become an increasingly commercialized element under a capitalist economic system. Accordingly, its traditional symbolism is seen to be subsequently weakening, whereas a tendency towards the reification of women is strengthening more in modern society that embraces modern customs bent on the protection of women’s human rights. Its commercialization has produced a result, which instigates the noted violations of women’s basic human rights, gender inequality, and promotion of domestic violence. The ways that people perceive bride wealth vary according to their own sex, generation, stratification, and ethnic background. Those people who negatively recognize bride wealth will increase with the deepening of its commercialization due to the influence of capitalism. Its color and effect will deepen and depend on how its agents correspond to socioeconomic changes. They will constantly reinterpret and reconstruct it within their own environments, but the basic human rights efforts are constantly under review by concerned individuals seeking to promote equality for women as a global effort.

보츠와나 추장제(chieftaincy)의 쇠퇴와 재구조화

설병수 ( Seol Byung-soo ) 경희대학교 글로벌인문학술원 2019 비교문화연구 Vol.54 No.-

This study is initiated to examine how the chieftaincy institution in Botswana has been declined and restructured in the historical process throughout the past years. In the traditional Tswana society, the highly respected and revered chiefs wielded mighty authority and power as symbolic and real beings to the people they governed. During the British colonial period, however, traditional leaders continuously lost their power and were downgraded to becoming or acting as the degraded agents or tools of the colonial government. The colonial authorities, which emphasized modernity, supported the emerging elite group, standing apart from traditional rulers and encouraged the people to lose respect for the power of the chiefs as well. As a result, the new elites could anchor to become key forces in post-independence Botswana. With the democratization of political systems since independence, the hereditary rule of chiefs has increasingly lost its legitimacy among the people of that region. The Botswana government has continually weakened their power and authority through diverse laws aimed at negating the rule of the chiefs. There is also no doubt that the negative recognition of the modern elites on the chiefs did not appear. In regard to a series of these types of situations, the stance of chiefs is becoming more narrowed today. Notwithstanding, the chiefs are playing a pivotal role in varied local development projects related to agriculture, education and health, bolstering the faith in the chiefs to help the plight of the people today. Besides, the chiefs are being utilized as an important source in both local and central politics. Chieftaincy is needed to be reconstructed in order to survive in socioeconomic change, and is actually being reconstructed in modern times. It is clearly verified that both the broad support of the local people, and its resilience and adaptability have been a prime mover in the process of its restructuring.

남아프리카의 일부다처제에 관한 소고: 전통의 실체와 변화

설병수 ( Seol Byung-soo ) 경희대학교 글로벌인문학술원 2019 비교문화연구 Vol.57 No.-

This paper aims to examine how polygyny in southern Africa has existed in the context of historical trajectory and labor migration. Through it all, the study tried to argue that, despite socioeconomic changes, polygyny will not easily disappear, because of cultural inertia and practical necessity. The points discussed in the paper can be summarized as follows. First, the general perception that polygyny prevailed in traditional southern African societies is close to a myth. Second, polygyny and sexual practices in the area manifest different aspects according to each group’s existential conditions and the agent’s socioeconomic background. Third, large-scale labor migration starting from the late 19th century resulted in the fissure of the traditional family and community structures. Fourth, the economic recession in South Africa that began in the 1970s has endangered the survival of polygyny more and more. Fifth, despite such a situation, most South African people want the institution to survive. Finally, men and women obtain different symbolic meanings from polygynous marriage.

호주 내 한인들의 소규모 사업과 종족 자원의 두 얼굴

설병수 ( Byung Soo Seol ) 한국문화인류학회 2002 한국문화인류학 Vol.35 No.2