제6분과 : 생산 , 계량 , MIS 2. 데이터 베이스 사용자 접속을 위한 선형중심어와 한정자언어의 비교

서길수 한국경영학회 1990 춘계학술연구발표회 발표논문집 Vol.- No.-

孔子의 經濟思想에 관한 硏究

徐吉洙 서경대학교 1978 論文集 Vol.6 No.-

Confucius (551-478 B.C.) is one of the greatest philosophers the world has ever before. It is common knowledge that confucianism has thereafter a great deal of influence on the Oriental Asia, especially China, Korea and Japan. Like other greatest philosophers, his writings as well as disciple's writings on him are mainly concerned on the political philosophy and the literature. Although he is rather a philosopher than a economist, no one can say that he didn't have a certain opinion on economic thoughts. Since his opinion on economic thoughts are scattered throughout the writings, his economic thoughts can be studied on the base of his ideas gathered from the writings. Therefore, I'd like to take a closer study on his economic thoughts. Concluding remarks: First, what is the confucius utopia which is long-dreamed of? Confucius classified the world into 3 steps; The world of Tatung (大同), the world of Siaokang (小康) and the world of Chikuo (疵國) and realized that his ideal at the times was to sublimate from the world of Chikuo to the world of Siaokang. Since the cause of social disorder of the times was not on the responsibility of the people, but on the anti-socioethic of the governing class. In his economic thoughts, Confucius placed more emphasis on the policy how to do by the governing class for the people, not necessarily for themselves, in order to transform into the world of Siaokang. Second, Confucius opinion on economic matters; His opinion on profit, goods and wealth. It is common view that confucius opinion on economic thoughts was rather ideological than materialistic. His main idea was not disregard of materialistic but warning to selfprofiteering against social order. In fact, Confucius maintained aggressive economic thought; the governing class ought to take prfoit for social welfare to enrich the people. Third, Confucius opinion on finance was divided into two; the taxation and the expenditure. Conficius insisted that most idealistic taxation is the system fo Che^ (徹法)-decimal taxation, (however clear definition on the system of Che^ (徹法) is yet concluded in connection of proportion; 1/9th, decimal, 1/11th), from which infant and the old should be excluded and widow, widower, orphan and the aged without offspring should also be exempted except war. He also contended that "the less taxation and the less expenditure" was the best policy in the finance. Fourth, confucius opinions on production, circulation and distribution. In opinion on production, although the important role of agriculture was put high emphasis on, he didn't evolve any concrete policy how to upgrade the productivity of agriculture. Confucius felt that if the traditional four classes of society; aristocrats, farmers, artisans and tradesmen would do their utmost for their own job, everything would go well. So he didn't need to be much concerned on the productivity of agriculture. He placed concerns on the productivity of handicraft and evolved a idea how to promote handicraft, that is; higher wage for craftsman with ability brought up a number of craftsman and then en riched the government finance. Confucius opinion on commerce and consumption can be derived from his comments on circulation. In general, Commerce was seemed to be despised of in confucianism. However, it was revealed that the conception of commerce-despiseness was not from the Confucius thoughts but from the age of Han (漢) dynasty. Confucius contrarily insisted that tradesmen should be tax-exempted to promote commerce and consumer should also be protected by way of rectifying the moral and order of commerce. Confucius opinion on consumption was on frugality of all classes especially the governing class. Because extraordinary consumption by the governing class had a great impact on the living of people. The more consumption by the governing class at the times meant that the more taxation from the governed class. In opinion on distribution, his egalitarianism (均平思想) in distribution can be so far characterised by "the problem in distribution was on unequality not on insufficiency"(不患寡而患不均). I hereby recognized that it is inadequate in explaining Confucius opinion on distribution. Although I did try for a lot of material to get a gist of Confucius thought on distribution, it is my regret that the obvious opinion on distribution of Confucius can not be quoted from all the material gathered.

PPO/silica 복합재료의 합성과 특성에 관한 연구

서길수,Hongliu Sun,김영식 한국고분자학회 2002 한국고분자학회 학술대회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2002 No.10

開港後 利子附資本에 관한 史的考察(Ⅱ)

徐吉洙 서경대학교 1980 論文集 Vol.8 No.-

Ⅰ This thesis mainly deals with the interest-bearing capital after the opening of the harbor in 1876 under the duress of Japanese colonialism. Ⅱ Interest-bearing capital in Korea before the 18th Century had two characteristic traits. First, in Korea there was no ideology forbidding interest, but only an ideology limiting interest, from the viewpoint that "riches are the mother of poverty", from which lending by the ruling class became generalized since ancient times. Second, for the ruling class, commercial profit was unethical, while profit from interest was well within the bounds of ethics, and consequently commercial capital did not progress more than interest-bearing capital. Nevertheless, commercial capital suddenly burgeoned after the 18th Century with the broadening of the monetary economy and the great shift in the traditional concepts of wealth. Having been stimulated by the commercial and monetary economy after the 18th Century, the interest-bearing capital remarkably changed in the following ways: First, following the broadening and integration of the monetary economy, interest capital was forming a base condition such as that it could lift up the monetary economy from its immaturity, and furthermore lift itself up; i.e. interest-bearing capital was forming a condition whereby it could transform its own category into a modern interest-bearing capital. Secondly, the lack of progress of commercial capital, which was one of the characteristic traits of interest-bearing capital in Korea, entered a new state after the 18th Century with the progress of the commercial and monetary economy; that is, progress of commercial capital inevitably merged with and reciprocally depended on interest-bearing capital. The merging of the two pre-capitalistic capitals further stimulated the broadening and integration of the monetary economy, which was the base condition of the categorical shift of interest-bearing capital. Thirdly, there appeared professional lenders and an putting out system(Ger. "Verlags-system"), which controlled production, and the large percentage of interest-bearing capital disseminated farmers. Ⅲ After the opening of the harbor in 1876 interest-bearing capital, which was forming a base condition for transforming its own category, was shocked by foreign capital which was suddenly attacking in great quantity: Firstly, Gekju(客主), Bobusang(褓負商) and Sijon(市廛), which represented the precapitalistic capital, were displaced by foreign capital. 1) Gekju was controlled by foreign capital because he could not repay money borrowed from them in the process during which it became a tool of foreign capital or commerce, and finally the Gekju organizations disappeared due to the potency of foreign capital. For example, Isipo-Gekju(二十五客主) in Inchon and Mokpogekjuhwe(木浦客主會) in Mokpo were abolished, in 1890 and 1901 respectively. Both abolitions occurred owing to the demands of foreign missions which intended to protect the commercial supremacy of their countries in Korea. 2) Sijon could not compete with commercial goods imported in great quantities, or with merchants immigrating into Korea from foreign lands in great numbers. Particularly after the Russo-Japanese War this phenomenon became apparent, since at that time Japan fully achieved commercial supremacy in Korea, and finally after the Reform of Gabo(甲午更張), instigated by Japan, Sijon, supported by privilege and by obligation to the contemporary government, could not disappear due to the new free-trade rules of the Reform. 3) Bobusang became a victim of the political chaos caused by foreign competition. The peddlers of the Bobusang organization, who had a vast network throughout the country, were used by the feudal government, and as recompence for that service the feudal regime guaranteed their monopoly of commerce for politica reasons, and consquently its bankruptcy was related to the change in poltical powers. Secondly, interest-bearing capital of the feudal government, which was one of the characteristic traits in the history of interest-bearing capital in Korea, entered the state of greater percentage. In the same way as mentioned above, foreign capital, which had entered Korea in such great quantities that it displaced and controlled the existing national capital, did not contribute to the capital which the government needed for its development plans, and therefore the government obtained the necessary sum by borrowing from other countries. In such a financial state the government could in no way help the finances of local governments. Local governments subsequently contributed to financial deprivation by the acquisition of interest imposed on the people, especially after 1894, when farms, the Dunto(屯土), by which the local governments supported their own finances, began to contribute to the treasury; local governments could not avoid poverty of local finances. In this state of poor finances and political chaos, local leaders themselves controled the interest standard, and subsequently the natural interest standard greatly increased. Archives tell us that the same phenomenon occurred also in all military camps in all the provinces. Ⅳ Foreign capital entered Korea in two forms, namely the modern interest-bearing capital bank and the usurious capital pawnshop. Generally, in a capitalist system, tha bank appears when monetary capital becomes independent of industrial capital, but in Korea even before the formation of industrial capital a Japanese bank branched out into Korea (i.e. the Pusan Agency of Dai-Ichi Bank(第一銀行釜山支店), established in 1878) for the first time two years after the opening of the harbor. I summarize the historical role of Japanese banks in Korea on the following two points: Firstly, the banks provided capital for the Japanese merchants and pawnbrokers, and hindered the spontaneous appearance and progress of domestic banks. Secondly, the banks firmly contributed to the establishment of a monetary and banking system. Generally, export of capital occurs only when a country forms financial and excess capital, but at that time Japan was not able to export any capital due to the poverty of its capital accumultation. Nevertheless, Japan could not afford not to export capital, for without capital export Japan could not by itself succeed in preaccumultation of capital. Therefore Japan gave birth to its characteristic system of "importation of capital in the formation of loans to foreign countries, and exportation of capital to countries being colonized." Banks contributed to their country in tow forms: 1) Banks, especially Dai-Ichi Bank, collected gold from Korea, and with it contributed to the formation of a modern monetary system in Japan. The amount of gold collected by Dai-Ichi Bank accounted for 25% of all the gold collected by the Japanese Mint from all Japan. 2) The banks contributed to the formation of financial capital in Japan, because the rate of exchange of agencies in Korea was at a more profitable rate than that of the central office in Japan. Thus we can see how the Japanese banks in Korea contributed to the accumultation of capital in their own country, which was the precondition of modern capital, while at the same time they plundered that precondition from Korea. Japanese pawnbrokers became the vogue throughout Korea. The aim of Japanese usurious capital was not only the acquisition of usurious interest, but also exploitation of land. Usurious is immeasurably high interest which is demanded in order to exploit one's lack of money. After the opening of the harbor, Koreans borrowed money at usurious interest rates from Japanese pawnbrokers in order to satisfy their need of money. Thus the only refund for Koreans who had no other guarantees was their land, their only property, so poor Koreans closed their mortgages by selling their land, which resulted in their loss of land, and finally bankruptcy. Thus we see how the usurious capital of Japan increased Japan's own capital, and also became the chief matrix for exploitation of land.

朝鮮前期의 貸借關係 및 利子에 관한 硏究

徐吉洙 서경대학교 1982 論文集 Vol.10 No.-

In this paper Ⅰ focused on the following : 1. Rate of interest. 2. Who lends? 3. Who borrows and why they borrows? 4. Custom of mortgage and guarantee. The conclusion is summarized as follows : 1. The legal rate of interst for a public loan in the first half of the Yi Dynasty was 20 percent per year and 2 percent per month. It was lower than that charged in the Koryo period, but higher than during the last half of the Yi Dynasty. The legal rate of interest for a private loan was 10 percent per month and 50 percent per year. Jang-li(長利), an annual 50 percent, was the name of the interest-charging system and the leading method of charging interest in the first half of the Yi Dynasty. It was illegal at that time for the total amount of interest to exceed the principal. 2. Public loans during that period were used mainly for famine relief. Hwangok(還穀) became public loan by loaning government grain(官穀), while during the Koryo period loans came from the accumulated saving of the people. And Mogok(耗穀), grain collected to make up for loss by birds and rats, was enforced from the 5th year of King Sejong and it was significant in the transition process of interest of Hwangok. Private loans were the work of the elite class as in the Koryo era. Jang-li of ministers and Nesusa(內需司), which was an account facillity to take charge of the king's household, pleyed key roles. While interest earned by temples in the Koryo period, Bo(寶), which originated in the temple's interest-charging were passive, and the confucian Hyangyak(鄕約), and Sachang(社倉) were distinctive facillities to earn interest compared to the national policy popular in the Koryo era. 3. Peasants usually borrowed money for provisions and seed. We can see that drought and flood disasters were the cause of shortages. Many peasants were also forced to borrow to pay there taxes. We can see from the records that family-servants(家奴) borrowed money from Yong-i-jong(領議政, prime minister), and new local officials borrowed money for outlays of Dang-cham(堂參), visiting members of the upper class to receive a writ of appointment or Munan(問安) to the upper class as Jo(曹) or Sa(司). 4. We can see that hostageship prevailed in the first half of the Yi Dynasty from these records. They also discussed interdict of hostageship, and putting servants(movable property at that time) in pawn was common. In the study of guarantee during the first half of the Yi Dynasty, it was limited as in the Koryo era because of lack of loan documents. From a few remaining documents for joint responsibility, we can divide the system into four : levy on the family(族徵), levy on the neigbor(隣徵), levy by installment(分徵) and levy by pursuit(追徵).

Vacuum Rotary Arc Gap Switch의 설계 및 시험

서길수,황동원,이태호,황리호,김희진,이홍식,임근희 대한전기학회 2003 전기학회논문지C Vol.53 No.6

Design and test results of a VRAG(Vacuum Rotary Arc Gap) switch were presented. To control the damage of electrodes caused by the vacuum arc, Lorentz's force by the radial magnetic field between spiral electrodes was used to rotate the vacuum uc. VRAG switch electrodes were made of the material of CuCr and OFHC. Gap distance between two spiral type electrodes for the rotation of the arc discharge is 8, 10, 12mm. In the cathode, one trigger electrode was inserted into each spiral wing. Normal operation of the VRAG switch was confirmed with 10.6[$mutextrm{s}$]of trigger delay and 2~3[$mutextrm{s}$] of the jitter time. The speed of the vacuum arc was measured to be 0.6 ~ 1[km/s] by a motion analyzer.

開港後 利子附資本에 관한 史的考察(Ⅰ)

徐吉洙 서경대학교 1979 論文集 Vol.7 No.-

웹 커뮤니티의 등장과 효과

서길수 한국경영정보학회 1999 한국경영정보학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.1999 No.-

110V/220V 직접구동 전력용 반도체 IC설계기술 현황과 대기전력을 줄이기 위한 전원회로 설계 기술

서길수,김남균 대한전자공학회 2008 전자공학회지 Vol.35 No.7

李珥의 社會經濟思想 硏究

徐吉洙 단국대학교 대학원 1976 學術論叢 Vol.1 No.-