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사진실(Jin-Shil Sa) 어문연구학회 2008 어문연구 Vol.57 No.-
During the performance of farce genres like mask dance Talchum, a lot of laughter is given and taken between actors and audience. While the producers and actors design some laughingstocks, the audience catch the laughing point and break into laughter. Even though they are well designed laughingstocks, they do not always have the audience laugh. The matter whether the designed laughingstocks lead into laughter or not is connected with the social and cultural context. So, designed laughingstocks for the Chosun Dynasty audience would fail to make the contemporary audience laugh. Of course, there are common types of laughingstocks that are still effective regardless of the changing society. However, there are specific designed laughingstocks that are amusing only to special groups and exclusive designed ones that ridicule and insult other group of people, therefore making them funny to another group of people. In this article, focussing on the specification or exclusion of the designed laughingstocks and real laughter, the characteristics and significance in cultural history of Bongsantalchum(mask dance)"s laughter is analyzed. The subject group who designed and performed the laughingstocks of Bongsantalchum is said to be middle class male group fancy themselves Walja(왈자, libertines or prodigals). Through the characters that represents themselves, they designed and performed specific laughingstocks so that displayed and promoted powerful masculinity. And also, they designed and performed exclusive laughingstocks against the object groups such as Nojang(노장, old monk), Yangban(양반, noble class), and Miyal(미얄, ugly old wife). These groups are ridiculed and created as laughingstocks. The personalities such as old monk"s asceticism, noble class" authoritarianism, and ugly old wife"s jealousy are against to the middle class male group"s fancy of libertines or prodigals. Exclusive or specific designed laughingstocks, while putting its basis on the contemporary context and considering the laughter of the audience, hold the subject group"s strategy and action. The strategy and action involving Bongsantalchum"s laughter are put together as "becoming unity through laughter" and "emphasizing opposition through laughter". The strategy of "becoming unity through laughter" lies in the renewal and succession of masculinity. In the 18th century Chosun Dynasty, middle class male group Walja hold real power in the commercial area, and their masculinity represents the urban lives of libertines or prodigals. The strategy of "emphasizing opposition through laughter" concentrates on the act of Yangban who suppress the people under middle class. While they ridicule or insult the noble class Yangban, sexual phrases and episodes are frequently used. That is because they wanted to display their physical vitality which could be another way to neglect and overcome the class distinction.
사진실(Sa Jin-Shil),정지은(Jung Jee-Eun) 비교민속학회 2011 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.46
이 연구에서는 조선시대 임금을 중심으로 왕실 놀이문화의 규범과 의미를 밝히고자 하였다. 중세 왕실의 문화는 하나의 정점인 최고 통치자를 향해 수렴되었으므로 놀이에 참여하는 임금의 행동 방식은 왕실 놀이문화의 특성을 가장 잘 나타낸다고 할 수 있다. 『조선왕조실록』에 나타난 임금의 놀이 종목은 각각 ‘유(遊)’와 희(戱)’로 표현된다. 유(遊)의 놀이와 희(戱)의 놀이는 공간의 이동성 및 놀이공간의 구축 양상에서 차이가 나는데, 전자는 일상공간 속에서 움직이는 가운데 놀이가 진행된다면 후자는 일상공간과 단절된 고정적인 공간에서 놀이가 진행된다. 도성의 대로에서 거행된 축제인 환궁의식(還宮儀式)은 유(遊)의 놀이를 전체적인 틀로 유지하면서 희(戱)의 놀이를 채워 넣는 방식으로 조성되었다. 행렬의 중심에 있는 임금에게 모든 이목이 집중되었기 때문에 임금은 정해진 규례에 따라 ‘임금다운’ 절제된 모습을 연기하는 ‘몸’의 놀이를 수행하였다. 궁궐 안에서 거행되는 관나(觀儺) 등의 행사에서 임금은 놀이의 적극적인 참여자가 되었다. 그러나 경기 형식이나 공연 형식을 불문하고 임금 스스로 놀이의 행위자가 되기는 어려웠다. 특히 임금 스스로 광대가 되어 몸을 놀리는 것은 금기 사항이었다. 이러한 한계 속에서 임금은 눈의 감각과 뇌의 지성을 극대화한 ‘눈’의 놀이를 수행하였다. 놀이하는 임금은 ‘눈’의 놀이를 통하여 후원자와 기획자, 관객의 역할을 겸비하는 왕실 놀이의 주체가 되었다. 신하들은 백성이 지켜보고 있다는 사실을 들어 ‘놀이하는 임금’의 몸을 통제하고자 하였다. 왕실의 놀이에 대한 조정의 논쟁은 임금의 놀이 본능에 따른 일탈과 통제였으며 임금을 둘러싼 정치세력들이 힘을 겨룬 견제와 명분의 줄다리기였다. 놀이의 오락성과 제의성, 정치성을 적절하게 당기고 풀어주는 균형감은 왕실문화의 건전성을 유지하는 바탕이 되었다고 할 수 있다. This research aims to provide insight on royal entertainment of the Chosun Era focusing on the King. The King’s role best shows the characteristics of the royal entertainment because the royal culture of medieval kingdoms was centered around the ruler. Records indicate two kinds of entertainment enjoyed by the King, Yu(遊) and Hui(戱). They differ in structural arrangement and utilization of the playing space. The former takes the procession within the real world while the latter takes fixed space separated from the real world. The festive parade on the central road of the capital consisted of Yu(遊) as the overall structure and Hui as the inside content. Here the King was forced to show a reserved movement like ‘acting the king of dignity’ because he was constantly under scrutiny by the public. He can be said to take ’Play of Body[몸의 놀이]’ for Yu(遊). On the other hand, the King took on the role of an active participant of the royal entertainment inside the palace. However, it was still difficult for the King himself to be the entertainer for Hui(戱). Within the such confines, the King took ‘Play of Eye[눈의 놀이]’ emphasizing sense and intelligence. Therefore the ‘Playing King’ took multiple roles as the patron, the planner, and audience of royal entertainment. Court ministers tried to control the ‘Playing King’ based on the scrutiny by the public. The controversy surrounding royal entertainment seems to set on the conflict between the regulation and deviation of the King’s instinctive attraction to entertainment. However, actually it derived from the power struggle between the political sects. The balance between tension and relaxation related to entertainment was the one of the keys to maintaining the court culture of Chosun.
인조 이후 나례(儺禮)의 사습(私習)과산대도감패의 흥행 활동
사진실 ( Jin Shil Sa ) 한국공연문화학회(구 한국고전희곡학회) 2014 공연문화연구 Vol.0 No.28
이 연구에서는 인조 이후 나례 사습의 전통과 변모 과정을 고찰하고 산대도감패의 흥행 활동이 활성화되는 양상을 논의하였다. 탈춤 산대도감극이 서울 시정문화의 산물로 형성된 문화사적 맥락을 밝히는 데 목적이 있다. 첫 번째 논의에서는 나례도감의 변모 과정을 살피고 포도청이 나례 관련 주요 기관으로 대두한 상황을 밝혔다. 병자호란 이후는 나라가 피폐해졌을 뿐만아니라 침략자였던 청나라의 사신을 맞이하는 상황이 되었기 때문에 나례를 더욱 축소하였다. 의금부와 군기시가 독립적으로 나례도감의 일을 맡던 전례를 버리고 영접도감 안에 나례색을 두어 관리하였다. 30년 가까이 나례가 거행되지 않다가 정조 8년(1784)에 나례를 복구하려는 시도가 있었는데 이때는 좌우 포도청이 나례도감의 일을 맡았다. 독립적인 기구로서 나례도감의 위상도 회복되었는데 나례의 잡희를 맡은 재인들의 금란(禁亂)과치안 유지를 강화하기 위해서였다. 공연예술에 대한 민간의 수요가 크게 증대되어 통제하기 어렵게 된 사정을 반영한 것이다. 두 번째 논의에서는 중국 사신을 맞이하는 나례의 사습(私習)이 정착되면서도성 안팎에 흥행 공간이 활성화되는 양상을 밝혔다. 나례의 사습은 모화관이나숭례문 밖에서 거행하는 것이 관례가 되었는데 도성 안팎의 백성들이 비교적 자유롭게 관람할 수 있는 계기가 마련되었다. 나례의 사습 장소였던 모화관과 남대문 근방은 나례와 상관없이 주요한 흥행 공간으로 자리 잡았다. 산대도감패의거주지로 알려진 녹번이나 남대문 밖 큰 고개는 이러한 흥행 공간과 연관이 있다고 할 수 있다. 세 번째 논의에서는 나례의 사습이 도성 안팎 백성들의 오락물로 부각되면서산대도감패의 민간 흥행 활동이 강화되는 양상을 탐구하였다. 영조 이후 나례는중국 사신을 접촉한 원접사(遠接使)의 이문(移文)에 따라 설행 여부가 결정되었다. 설행할 것을 대비하여 나례를 준비하다 보니 나례의 정지가 결정되면 나례도감에 모인 재인들이 흥행 활동에 나섰다. 그들은 나라에서 가장 성대한 구경거리가 된 산대 나례의 명성을 내세워 산대도감패로 활동할 수 있었다. 또한 산대도감패가 산붕놀이의 도구를 빌어다 놀이판을 열었다는 사실, 포도청이 민간의 놀이판에 광대와 좌우 산붕을 대령했으며 나례도감의 주무 기관이 되었던 사실 등을 통하여 산대도감패와 좌우 포도청의 친연 관계를 밝혔다. 궁정 문화의 입장에서 보면 인조 이후 나례는 쇠퇴하였지만 민간 문화의 입장에서 보면 나례는 해체되어 서울 시정의 흥행물로 활성화되었다. 산대 나례의전통은 동아시아의 중세적 보편성을 지녔고 탈춤의 전통은 자생적인 민속 문화에 기반을 두었다고 할 때 탈춤 산대도감극은 서로 대립적인 두 문화가 충돌하고 통합하는 과정을 통하여 형성되었다고 할 수 있다. 후속 연구에서는 이러한통시적 변천의 양상이 현전 탈춤 산대도감극에 어떻게 축적되어 있는지 밝히고자 한다. This research examines how Saseup(私習, informal practice) of Narye(儺禮, festival for welcoming chinese envoys) changed after Injo(仁祖), and how the popularity of Sandaedogam-pae(山臺都監牌, troupes for traditional performing arts like mask dance in Seoul, 18∼19C) became active. The purpose of this research lies in establishing the context, in the field of cultural history, of how Sandaedogamgeuk(山臺都監劇, a form of mask dance in Seoul), was formed in the basis of popular culture circulating market places in Seoul. The first part discusses the process of change experienced by Naryedogam(儺禮都監, office of superintendency for Narye), and how Podocheong(捕盜廳, capital police) emerged as one of the primary agencies related to Narye. Narye was especially marginalized after the invasion of Qing(丙子胡亂), after which Chosun became impoverished and was forced to receive imperial envoys from Qing. Although the Uigeumbu(義禁府, Correctional Tribunal) and the Gungishi(軍器寺) had independently taken charge of duties of the Naryedogam, this tradition was abandoned and the said duties were assumed by Naryesaek(儺禮色), which was established inside Youngjup-dogam(迎接都監). Efforts to revive the Narye during the time of Jungjo(正祖), which also boosted the role of Naryedogam as an independent agency, aimed to strengthen the regulation of Jaein(才人) that were in charge of performances of Narye. This was a reflection of the difficulties in controlling performing arts in light of the large increase in popular demand. The second part illuminates how the informal practices of Narye became adapted to receiving Qing envoys, stimulating its popularity both inside and outside the capital. The performance of Narye Saseup came to be held traditionally outside Mohwa-guan (慕華館) or Namdae-mun(南大門), which resulted in an increased demand from the ordinary population to watch the shows. In fact, performance spaces outside Mohwa-guan and Namdae-mun morphed into important spaces for popular arts independent of Narye. Nokbun(碌磻) and the large pass outside Namdae-mun, which were known to be the residential area of the Sandaedogam-pae, are related to the establishment of such spaces. The third part investigates the increased activity on behalf of the Sandaedogam-pae among ordinary citizens through the rise of Narye Saseup as a form of entertainment around the capital. After Youngjo(英祖), whether Narye would or would not take place in reception of Qing`s envoys was decided when envoys from both nations met beforehand. Since preparations for Narye began even before the notification from the envoys came, the performers gathered at Naryedogam partook in performing activities for the public when Narye was cancelled. They were able to perform as Sandaedogam-pae, under the pre-established fame of Sandae-narye(山臺儺禮) as the most magnificent entertainment in the nation. Although Narye declined as a form of royal culture after Injo, it became active as a form of popular culture circulating market places for ordinary citizens. Since the tradition of Sandae-narye was common throughout medieval East Asia and the tradition of mask dances was based on the self-generated folk culture, Sandaedogam-geuk can be said to have formed from a collision and mixture of two conflictual cultures.
『월인천강지곡(月印千江之曲)』의 훈민정음 활용과 연행적(演行的) 유통 양상
사재동, 사진실(Jin-shil, Sa) 어문연구학회 2012 어문연구 Vol.74 No.-
『월인천강지곡(月印千江之曲)』은 최초의 국문 불경으로 정음(正音) 문화는 물론 불교 문화와 국문 문학을 포함한 한국 문화 전반에서 뛰어난 가치와 위상을 차지하고 있다. 이 논문에서는 작품의 유통과 연행이라는 측면에서 『월인천강지곡』의 의의와 가치를 탐구하였다. 『월인천강지곡』은 훈민정음을 충실하게 실용하여 새로운 문자 생활의 전범을 보여주었다. 특히 국문을 앞세우고 한문을 보조적으로 기록하는 국문 전용 방식을 실현하여 후대 한글 전용의 전형을 마련하였다. 국문전용의 전통은 성종 이후 불교세가 약화되면서 유교계와 한문층의 득세로 다시 한문 중심의 표기 체계로 역전되었다. 근현대에 이르러서는 한글학자들과 한글학회의 노력이 더해져 국문 전용 표기 체계가 완성되었다. 그러나 국문전용은 이미 『월인천강지곡』에서 전형을 이루어 그 면면한 전통이 현대에 이르러 새롭게 되살아났다고 할 수 있다. 『월인천강지곡』은 국어학의 전형을 마련하였다는 데 의미를 지닌다. 훈민정음의 창제와 그 해례가 국어학의 시발이라면 문장례로 제작된 『월인천강지곡』은 국어학을 정립하여 계승시킨 전범이라 하겠다. 이 작품에 구비된 국어학의 이론 체계와 그 실례는 성음학, 음운론, 형태론, 통사론, 문체론 등을 완비하고 있기 때문이다. 이러한 국어학의 이론과 실제는 『석보상절』와 『월인석보』 등에 그대로 적용되었으며 근세국어와 현대국어의 다양한 문헌에도 적용되어 전개되었다고 보아진다. 『월인천강지곡』은 『용비어천가』와 마찬가지로 악(樂) 갈래의 연행을 목적으로 제작된 악장이며 서사와 서정의 병행을 통하여 사건을 전개하고 인물 성격을 구현하고 있다. 이들 악장을 토대로 연행된 공연텍스트는 일정한 시공간의 재현과 극중인물의 형상화를 통해 연극적인 면모를 보인다고 할 수 있다. 그렇다면 이들 악장은 희곡으로 평가할 수 있으며 더 나아가 최초의 국문희곡으로서 큰 의미를 지닌다. 한편 이 작품은 독립적인 단편서사들이 장편서사를 구축하는 체계를 보인다. 독립단편들은 그에 해당하는 상절부와 결합되어 서사와 서정이 결합된 강창 단위를 이루고 있다. 이 강창 단위는 단형ㆍ중형ㆍ장형에 따라 이야기하고 노래하는 입체적인 공연텍스트로 전환될 수 있다. 더 나아가 강창에 춤이나 연기 동작이 결부되는 경우 가무극이나 대화극 등 다양한 연극 양식으로 발전하게 되는 것이다. 훈민정음의 표기체계를 만방에 보급하기 위하여 해례의 완성 단계인 문장례를 장편서사로 담아 꾸려내었다는 사실은 이 작품의 유통과 전파를 극대화하려는 시도였다고 할 수 있다. 또한 그 이야기가 종교적인 신화성과 인간적인 삶의 희로애락이 담겨 있는 석가모니의 일대기였다는 사실은 유교 국가인 조선에서 널리 민간의 문화로 자리잡은 불교의 파급력을 인정했다는 증거이며 불교와의 상생을 통해 민간의 백성들을 끌어안으려는 의도였다고 할 수 있다. Weorin cheon-gang-ji-gok(月印千江之曲, Songs of the Moon's Reflection on Thousand Rivers) is an epic that tells the story of Buddha from his previous life, birth, royal life, entering the priesthood, ascetic practice, attaining Buddhahood, distributing the law of Buddhism, and finally to Nirvana. It has been written to facilitate the usage and supply of Korean writing system after the creation of Hunmin jeongeum(訓民正音, Correct Sounds to Instruct the People), the Korean alphabet. This paper searches for the meaning and value of this work in linguistics and literature. From a linguistic perspective, Weorin cheon-gang-ji-gok set the precedent for the usage of the newly created writing system of Hunmin jeongeum. Especially, by prioritizing the Korean alphabet in writing and using Chinese characters only as assistance, this work has proposed a method Korean alphabet-centered writing system. Based on this tradition, the efforts of many scholars in the modern ages have completed the writing system comprised solely of the Korean script. Moreover, Weorin cheon-gang-ji-gok is also meaningful in that it has formed the model of Korean linguistic studies. While The creation and explanation of Hunmin jeongeum opened the gate of linguistic studies, Weorin cheon-gang-ji-gok has founded and carried on the studies. This is so because the theoretical and practical usage of Korean contained in this work is complete with phonology, mor-phology, stylistics and so forth. From a literary perspective, Weorin cheon-gang-ji-gok has been created as ‘Akjang(樂章, musical text)’ which is lyrics to the ‘Ak(樂)' used in royal ceremonies and banquets. Ak(樂) is a form of musical performance for royal ceremony, that incorporates poetry, music, and dancing. Weorin cheon-gang-ji-gok differs from past works of Akjang that performed only lyrics, by using both epic and lyrics together, achieving a holistic structure in itself. The whole body of Weorin cheon-gang-ji-gok seems impossible to perform as a single performance since it is a long work of art that deals with the entire life of Buddha. It can be assumed that it was performed in units of epic and lyrics that constitute a single story. In fact, this work is comprised of a number of short stories that are structurally molded together to form a larger whole. There is no existing records of actual performances or musical score. This is different from Yongbi eocheonga(龍飛御天歌), of which there is a comprehensive record preserved. The latter was a central repertoire in the royal ceremonies and banquets in the Chosun Dynasty because it demonstrated the legitimacy of the creation of the dynasty. On the other hand, the former contained contents related to Buddhist scriptures, which the Chosun Dynasty shunned. Thus, it can be said that this work was difficult to perform publicly or to be handed down. As a result, it is projected that Weorin cheon-gang-ji-gok was preserved as a very minimized music version and/or absorbed into the Buddhist ceremonies.
사성구(Sung-gu Sa),사진실(Jin-shil Sa) 어문연구학회 2007 어문연구 Vol.55 No.-
Byungangsheiga(변강쇠가) is known as a work of Pansori(판소리), which is the famous performing art of narratives and songs woven into the fascinating stories. Nowadays, unfortunately, Byungangsheiga has no performance texts including songs, but only five works of Pansori, that is, Chunhyangga(춘향가), Shimchungga(심청가), Heungboga(흥보가), Sugungga (수궁가), Jugbyugga(적벽가) keep their entire performance texts. Shin Jae Hyo(申在孝), a famous patron of Pansori chose and adapted six works including Byungangsheiga and five works from twelve works of Pansori in circulation until mid 19th century. Why Byungangsheiga has lost its performance? The factors of continuation and extinction regarding Byungangsheiga has important keys to understand the history of Pansori. Byungangsheiga is said to have unique contents, grotesque aesthetics, and unexampled characters as comparing with the other five works. In the previous studies, the main characters" identities, social status, and the social meaning of their sexual matters were explored in the viewpoint of social history. And also, ritual structures and mythical connotations were discovered to understand its characteristics. However, it could not be said to examine completely the cause of Byungangsheiga"s extinction. In this article the process of rise and fall of Byungangsheiga is explored focussed on the relationship between Byungangsheiga and mask dances which have the distinct ritual and mythical structures as well as the significance of social history. Pansori and mask dances had developed on the basis of folk arts, and became the professional performing arts so that they could get the commercial values. The actors of Pansori and mask dances generally formed troupes and made tours for entertainments and performances. Sometimes their tour was obligated to attend royal banquets and processions, and entertainments. In the course of their tours, the troupes seem to have exchanged various repertoires including Pansori and mask dances. Actually the same or similar passages and characters are found in their performance texts. Similarities between Byungangsheiga and mask dances are explored in the three categories; (1)plot development, (2)character making, (3)conflict structures. Several specific plot and episodes are found in two texts, for example, "meeting after wandering", "immediately making love after meeting", and "punishment after taboo violation". In mask dances the punishment is not so much severe, and they are reconciled with their antagonists, while in Byungangsheiga the punishment is so severe that they would face death and tragic ending. The main characters, Gangshei and Ongnyo are very odd and unexampled, but some characters are very similar with those from mask dances. Especially Debdeugi is almost the same as Malddugi from mask dance Bongsantalchum. They both are grooms and bear the character of libertine. The appearance of old depraved monk is also meaningful in the character making. The conflict structures are usually involved in sexual affairs and jealousy which were not found in the other Pansori works, but found in mask dances. Abnormal attachment and jealousy lead to taboo violation and punishment. In the ending part of Byungangsheiga, the people heal the breach collectively, which can be found easily in mask dances. In conclusion, Byungangsheiga can be said to adopt effective elements of mask dances like episodes, characters, and structures, which help show extreme features of the strange story. Such an adoption seems to have been in need for an audience value. However, open structures borrowedfrom mask dances could be considered as imperfect ones for the audience who would admire the narrative of Pansori. As a result, Byungangsheiga is said to have has the audience leave and t