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白承玉 한국박물관학회 2012 博物館學報 Vol.- No.23
1. 2012년 12월 3일 오후, 경기도 용인시 기흥구 덕영대로 1732에 소재한 경희대학교 혜 정박물관을 방문했다. 한국전통문화대학교의 이도학 교수와 최종호 교수로부터 새로운 ? 本이 나왔는데 같이 보자고 연락이 온 것은 2~3주 전이었다. 수년 전부터 탑본에 관심을 가지고 있던 차였고, 특히 초기 원석 정탑본이라 하여 매우 기대하고 있었다. 탑본 소유자인 박물관의 김혜정 관장과 인사를 나누었다. 탑본은 1984년~1985년 무렵 중국 북경(유리창 거리?)에서 구입한 것이라고 하였다. 판매자 노인은 초기 탑본임을 말하였 다고 하였다. 탑본의 명칭은 김혜정 관장의 개인 소장품이니 그 이름을 따 ‘혜정소장본’(혜 정본)으로 하기로 하였다.
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백승옥 역사교육학회 2009 역사교육논집 Vol.42 No.-
In Ancient East-Asia, there existed a large number of political bodies which had used the different language systems, and so they needed the interpreters for the interchange between them. By the 1st century A.D., Yeokin(譯人) of Han regions was a head of Euprakkukka(邑落國家). To cite an example, Yeomsachi(廉斯鑡), a head of Yeomsa(廉斯) village, visited here and there and was active not only as a political negotiator and a trading merchant but also as an interpreter. This fact shows that the capability to initiate the foreign relation as Yeiokin(譯人) was a requisite for the acquirement of supremacy in the formative years of state. As the social systems grew up and developed over times, Yeokin as a public official had appeared. That is 'Riyeok(吏譯)‘ in Samkukji(三國志). He was both an interpreter and a public official taking main affairs of state. He played a role as the official responsible for economic foreign trades as well as international political negotiations. Also, he was the elite of society, because the interpreter had to not only be an expert at the mental communication with his counterparts but also be profound with respect to their cultural conventions. Since the 4th century A.D., the instances that referred Yeokin exactly to a public official had not appeared. We only assume the existence of Yeokin by interrogating his activity patterns. The status and function of Yeokin had changed corresponding with the development process of society. By the 1st century, he was a head of Euprakkukka(邑落國家), and he was both an interpreter and a public official by the 3rd century. However, he had became only a person in charge of foreign negotiation taking mere interpretation from the 4th century on. Nonetheless, Yeokin of Kaya still held the political power.
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백승옥 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2015 東洋學 Vol.58 No.-
Since its discovery, ‘Sinmyonyeonjo’ in the epitaph of the Great King Kwanggaeto has beenhighlighted more than any other aspects of the relevant research. The records of the‘Sinmyonyeonjo’ has been inscribed on the first side of the epitaph from 34th letter of the 8th lineto 24th letter of the 9th line. (百殘新羅舊是屬民由來朝貢而倭以辛卯年來渡□破百殘□□新羅以爲臣民). Among 1775 inscribed letters of the epitaph, it is only 32 letters. However, the interpretation ofthese 32 letters could change the whole historical background of then East-northern nations uponthe epitaph. The epitaph of the Great King Kwanggaeto had been erected in 414 by the King Jangsu whowas a son of Kwanggaeto in order to commemorate father’s achievement. This epitaphre-appealed in the late 19th century but the original form of the epitaph has been decayed as ofseveral processes of removing moss and rubbing the inscription. Particularly the amounts of limehad been covered the face of the epitaph in order to rub the inscription correctly, and this madethe condition of the epitaph worse than it was found before. Therefore, the rubbings which weretook before the lime coverage can be the most intact evidence of the original records of theepitaph. The most crucial letter is the one which was 13th letter of the 9th line. It was initially named‘海’ but it has been identified that the letter is actually written as ‘沺’, which is a successful resultof this research. This research work continuously compared this letter with the one from therubbing evidence that had been produced before the lime cover. The meaning of ‘沺’ is a ‘broadriver’ and given this in mind, the new interpretation about ‘Sinmyonyeonjo’ is as such: Baekje andSilla had been subordinate nations of Goguryeo for a long time. A tribute from them is a clearevidence of their dependency. However Wae(current Japan) invaded our subordinate nations inthe Year of Sinmyo(Sinmyonyeon), and this resulted the Great King Kwanggaeto cross the broad river(沺) and defeat Baekje and subjectify Silla. 그 동안 광개토태왕릉비문 속의 이른바 신묘년조 기사는 비에 관한 여러 연구분야 가운데 가장 주목받았던곳이다. 신묘년조 기사란 비문 1면의 제8행 34자부터 9행 24자까지를 말한다(百殘新羅舊是屬民由來朝貢而倭以辛卯年來渡□破百殘□□新羅以爲臣民). 이 기사는 비문 1775자 가운데 32자에 불과하지만 이를 어떻게 해석하느냐에 따라 당시 동북아 각국의 역사적 위상이 달라질 수 있다. 광개토태왕릉비는 장수왕이 414년에 先王의 공적을 기리기 위해 세운 비이다. 이 비가 다시 우리 눈앞에나타난 것은 19세기 말이었다. 비 발견 이후, 비는 이끼를 제거하는 과정과 탁본을 만들기 위해 비면에 바른석회 때문에 원래의 모습을 상당 부분 잃어 버렸다. 따라서 원래의 글자를 가장 잘 간직하고 있는 것은 석회를바르기 이전에 만들어진 탁본들이다. 신묘년조 기사 중에서도 핵심이 되는 글자는 1면 9번째 줄 13번째 글자이다. 이 글자에 대하여 기존에는대개 ‘海’로 읽었다. 그러나 본 연구에서는 석회를 바르기 이전의 여러 탁본 자료를 비교 검토한 후, 이 글자는‘海’로 읽을 수 없음을 밝혔다. 그리고 이를 ‘沺’字로 읽었다. ‘沺’의 뜻은 ‘넓은 강’의 의미이다. 이는 비문의 또다른 곳에서는 ‘阿利水’로 표현하였으며 오늘날의 漢江이다. 이를 감안하여 신묘년조에 대한 해석을 다음과 같이 하였다. “百殘(백제)과 新羅는 오래전부터 (우리 고구려의) 屬民이었다. 그래서 朝貢을 바쳐왔다. 그런데 倭가 辛卯年에 (우리 속민의 땅에 침범해)오므로, (광개토태왕이) 沺을 건너 백잔을 치고 신라를 □□하여 臣民으로 삼았다.”
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백승옥 부경역사연구소 2004 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.14
In 529 A.D., An international conference was hold in AnraGuk, one among Gaya Kingdoms which was located in Haman(咸安) in these days, according to Nihonshogi(日本書紀). The purpose of conference was to reconstruct the south kingdoms of Gaya, the Nakara(南加羅) and Takgitan(㖨己呑), etc. which had been ruined by Silla(新羅), under the presidency of Ahominogenanoomi(近江毛野臣) who followed a royal edict issued by Japan Emperor(天皇). Japan(倭), Anra, Baekje(百濟), and Silla took part in a conference. This was the very Anragodang Conference(安羅高堂會議). But, these contents was mentioned only in Ibonseogi. In fact, it is far from the truth. This paper tried to restore AnraGuk's history by examining the nature of Anragodang Conference. For this purpose, firstly, I investigated the historical materials of Anragodang Conference in chapter Ⅰ. I examined thoroughly and critically Ibonseogi. Although it was a history book(史書) necessary to restore Gaya History, Ibonseogi based on an ancient history view of Japan King worship(古代天皇史觀) in the latter half of the 7th century and the beginning of the 8th century included many forged documents. In chapter Ⅱ and chapter Ⅲ, I looked into the nature of ‘Anragodang Conference' and the position of Anra Guk, quoting materials connected with them. In conclusion, ‘Anragodang Conference' was an effort of Anra Guk that attempted self-existence, checking Baekje advancing to the east and Silla advancing to the west. And Anra Guk was a substantial leader among the south kingdoms in the early of 6th century.
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