일제시기 부산일보사장(釜山日報社長) 아쿠타가와 타다시(芥川正)의 생애와 언론활동

배병욱 ( Byoung Wook Bae ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2012 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.52

아쿠타가와 타다시는 1880년대부터 구마모토 國權黨, 自由黨 등 낭인집단과 교류하였으며, 청일전쟁 때 종군기자로 조선에 진출한 이래 ``문장보국``의 기치아래 조선의 식민지화에 저널리스트로서 적극 협조하였다. 이후 대륙으로의 관문인 부산에 정착하여 『釜山日報』의 발행에 주력하면서 일본인 위주의 지역개발, 일본인 본위의 특별자치제 실시를 주장하였다. 아쿠타가와가 부산에서 언론인으로 성공할 수 있었던 것은 부산의 대재벌과 결탁한 그의 인맥 덕분이다. 부산의 원로, 혹은 공로자라 불린 오이케 츄스케, 카시이 겐타로, 하자마 후사타로, 후쿠나가 마사지로 등이 釜山日報社의 대주주와 중역이었으며, 그의 사후 장의위원과 친우총대를 맡아 장례를 치렀다. 또 자신들의 사후에는 아들들에게 부산일보사 중역 및 대주주의 지위를 물려줄 만큼 이들과 釜山日報社의 결탁관계는 견고하였다. 1920년대 ``전기부영화운동``의 사례에서 보듯 지역 내 중소자본가들의 도전에 맞서 『釜山日報』는 대재벌의 권익을 적극 옹호하였다. 이상과 같이 아쿠타가와의 언론활동은 ``문장보국``이라는 ``국가주의``의 실천이었고, 이는 일본인과 조선인 간의 차별 및 일본인의 독점적 이익을 옹호하였다는 점에서 ``식민주의``에 다름아니었다. 또한 보다 구체적으로는 ``부산``의 이익을 우선한다는 의미에서 ``지역주의``, 특히 지역 내 대자본가와 결탁한 ``경영주의``와의 교착의 산물이었다. This study is to try to search the life and press activities of The President of Fusan Nippo Company(釜山日報社), Akutagawa Tadashi(芥川正) who published a Japanese newspaper 『The Fusan Nippo(釜山日報)』 during the time of the Japanese colonization in Busan. Akutagawa participated in the Japanese killer groups such as the Kumamoto National Right Party(熊本國權黨) and the Liberal Party(自由黨) from 1880`s. After the Sino-Japanese War, he advanced to Joseon first as the war correspondent and he actively cooperated in colonization of the Joseon Dynasty under the banner of ``patriotism by the sentence(文章報國)``. After that, Akutagawa who settled in Busan the gateway to the continent devote himself to the『The Fusan Nippo』 company publications And he insisted on the execution of the special autonomous system and the regional development mainly with Japanese. The reason why Akutagawa succeeded as the journalist in Busan is his connections which conspired with the large company of Busan. Economic doyens of Busan, Oike Chusuke(大池忠助), Kashi Kentaro(香椎源太郞), Hazama Husataro(迫間房太郞), Hukunaga Masajiro(福永政治郞) were 『The Fusan Nippo』 company`s large stockholders and funeral commissioners, and represented friends after he died. Also after they died, they handed over the executive of and the large stockholders of 『The Fusan Nippo』 company to the sons. This shows the solidity of the relationship between them with 『The Fusan Nippo』 company. Such as ``the electricity municipalization movement(電氣府營化運動)`` in Busan in 1920`s 『The Fusan Nippo』 company supported the interests of the large company of Busan against the small business. The press activities of Akutagawa was the practices of the patriotism by the sentence(文章報國), that is, the nationalism. The discrimination of Japanese and Korean and the support of the monopolistic interest of Japanese show the colonialism, the regionalism in a sence of the support of region` interest. This means the agglutination of the management and mammoth capitalist of region.

‘낙천굴(樂天窟) 어학생’ 아이바 기요시[相場淸]의 경찰·외무 관료 활동

배병욱(Bae, Byoung-Wook) 효원사학회 2021 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.59

1920년대 전반 조선총독부의 선전영화 제작과 상영

배병욱(Bae Byoung-wook) 역사문화학회 2006 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.9 No.2

In the first half 1920s, imperialist Japan decided to put administrative propaganda first to eliminate severe resistance by people of Joseon following the '3ㆍ1 Independence Movement' and escape from its international isolation. In relation to the move, 'Joseon Information Committee(朝鮮情報委員會)' was established. Consisting of high-ranking officials of the Japanese government-general in Joseon and influential civilians, the committee collected information about the national movement by people of Joseon and international situations and deliberated and controlled ways of administrative propaganda. The purpose of administrative propaganda by Joseon Information Committee was to inform situations of Joseon and Japan and works by the Japanese government-general in Joseon. Notably, the committee used the most advanced medium, film as a main means of the propaganda. Propaganda films were records that showed situations of Joseon, Japan and Manchuria, the recent state of Japanese imperial families, the visit of national guests, customs of Joseon and industrial developments of Joseon and Japan. As a whole, the films propagated key slogans of so-called 'cultural politics' of imperialist Japan, assimilation into Japan and the civilization of Joseon. The main audiences of propaganda using film were people of Joseon and Japan. If viewers of propaganda films were people of Joseon, the films had the ultimate goal of eliminating the people's will to national independence and making them submit to Japanese colonial rule. While, if their audiences were Japanese people, propaganda films had the ultimate purpose of receiving more budgets from the home government and attracting Japanese business investment and Japanese immigrants by inciting Japanese civilians advance to the colonial land. Propaganda films faced some resistance because of problems like forced audience mobilization and their themes. Nevertheless, they greatly impacted people of Joseon, having considerable effects of information. Though given favorable responses superficially, propaganda films actually had no such good effects on Japanese because of lack in propagandistic workers or agencies and too many regions to be propagated. No matter how its conflicting effects were, however, the use of propaganda film by imperialist Japan as a means of colonial rule shows the very nature of so-called 'cultural politics' of the Japanese colonial period.

한국전쟁 전후 김해지역 민간인학살의 실태와 성격

홍순권(Hong Soon-Kwon),배병욱(Bae Byoung-Wook) 한국제노사이드연구회 2008 제노사이드연구 Vol.4 No.-

The region of Kimhae-kun which was located in the south-east part of the Korean Peninsular belongs to the area which was not occupied by the army of North Korea during the Korean War. People in this so-called unoccupied region had the experiences which were different from people in the other occupied regions during the war. The aim of this paper is to examine the war victims and explain why and how they should be killed during the Korean war, based on the fieldwork including the interviews with the bereaved. According to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, ROK(TRC) built on the 1st of December 2005, the 79 victims in Kimhae and its vicinity during the Korean War were registrated by around 73 bereaved families. This number is far from the real number of the victims compared with the number known until now. It is said generally in the academic world that there were at least 800 victims killed in Kimhae and its vicinity during the war. TRC presented the 2007 project for the investigations of civilian massacres during the war in Kimhae and its vicinity. We entered into this project with members of Suk-dang Academy Institute of Donga Universty for 5 months from July till December of the year. This article is reconstructed on the basis of the report of 2007 investigation on the civilian massacre in Kimhae and its vicinity during the Korean War. It shows demographic information on the 173 interviewees and the 283 victims, the reasons for killing, the various aspects of the violence. As a result of that investigation we estimated the number of victims from 848 to 858 victims. Among them, there were 8 teenagers and 3 women, and the rest were almost men in the prime of their lives from 20s to 50s. The most of the people were killed by the name of the member of Kukmin-bodoyonmang or pro-communists, but there were also many people who were sacrificed to the simple private revenge. Even some people did not know why the should be killed. These kind of ‘red-hunt’ policides were carried out by the police or soldiers including the member of CIC, or local right wings. The political topography of the Kimhae region was extremely changed after the war. Newly emerged right wings became the new ruling class of the local society under the prevalence of anti-communism. The bereaved of victims have kept silence unwillingly and could not help enduring the psychological pains and political-social damages. To explain what it means in the history of modern Korea should be one of our unevitable tasks soon or later.

사물지능통신(M2M)을 이용한 공중화장실 관리시스템의 개발

김준엽(Jun Yeob Kim),안대건(Dae Gun Ahn),배병욱(Byoung Wook Bae),최용구(Yong Gu Choi),강창순(Chang Soon Kang) 한국멀티미디어학회 2014 멀티미디어학회논문지 Vol.17 No.12

식민지 ‘지역언론’에서 ‘제국언론’으로 -신문체제와 지면을 통해 본 『조선시보』의 특징과 의미-

전성현 ( Jeon Sung-hyun ),이가연 ( Lee Ga-yeon ),배병욱 ( Bae Byoung-wook ),하지영 ( Ha Ji-young ) 부산광역시 시사편찬위원회 2019 항도부산 Vol.37 No.-

개항 이후 부산으로 건너온 일본인들에 의해 이른 시기 창간된 『조선시보』는 당초 부산의 일본인사회를 대변하는 지역 상업신문으로 창간되었다. 그리고 조선이 식민지가 되고 식민지체제가 심화되자 식민지 전조선의 신문으로 성장하고자 했다. 나아가 제국언론으로 확장하고자 신문지사·지국의 확대는 물론 지면 구성도 제국과 식민지 전체를 다루기 위해 노력했다. 이와 같은 흐름은 현재 확인 가능한 1914년부터 1941년까지의 신문체제의 변화와 지면내용을 통해 확인 가능하다. 식민지 조선의 일본인을 위한 지역신문인 『조선시보』는 지면 구성과 게재 기사를 대략적으로 분석해 보면 몇 가지 특징을 지녔다고 할 수 있다. 먼저, 식민지 조선의 일본인들을 대변하는 신문이었기에 제국주의, 식민주의, 지역주의의 경계를 넘나 들었다. 즉, 제국주의와 식민주의의 입장에서 조선총독부를 대변하기도 했지만 지역주의의 입장에서 총독정치의 미흡한 점을 언급하거나 성토하기도 했고, 일본 본국의 정당정치와 식민정책에 대해 과감한 비판도 서슴지 않았다. 둘째, 다른 일본인 지역신문인 『부산일보』보다 경우에 따라서는 더 지역에 대해 상세히 보도했으며 그 부족한 부분을 메울 수 있는 신문이었다. 특히 식민자 측면에서는 ‘부민의 여론’과 ‘공공성’을 명분으로 사회 상층은 물론 중산층 이하의 여론까지 대변하고자 하였다. 또한 피식민자 측의 동향에도 매우 촉각이 예민하여 부산뿐 아니라 전국 각지의 조선인사회에 대해서도 당대 주요 한글신문에 보도된 내용보다 상세히 보도하거나 빠진 부분에 대한 기사도 자주 게재했다. 다만 『조선시보』가 강조하는 ‘부민’, ‘여론’, ‘공공성’에는 사회 하층의 절대 다수인 조선인이 설 자리는 없었다. 그들이 조성한 ‘여론’과 ‘공론’에 조선인이 필요할 때는 적극적으로 동원했지만 일상에서는 차별과 배제라는 식민자의 시선으로일관했다. 그렇기에 중앙지에 비해 조선인에 대한 차별적·모욕적 기사 보도가 상대적으로 많았다. 이상과 같이 『』조선시보『』는 식민성, 지역성, 계층성, 민족성이 한데 얽혀 복잡하고 독특한 식민지 조선의 일본인 언론이었다고 할 수 있다. The 『Chosenjiho』, which was founded in the early days by the Japanese who came to Busan after the opening of the port, was originally established as a regional commercial newspaper representing the Japanese society in Busan. When Chosun became a colony and the colonial system deepened, the 『Chosenjiho』 tried to escape from the local newspaper. In other words, the proportion of articles covering the whole empire and colony as well as the expansion of newspaper offices and branches has increased. This trend can be confirmed through the change of the newspaper system from 1914 to 1941 and the contents of the paper. The Japanese local newspaper 『Chosenjiho』 of colonial Chosun has some characteristics. First, it represented the position of the Chosun governor general as a private newspaper. However, it did not hesitate to criticize the governor-general politics and Japanese party politics as well as colonial policy. Secondly, it reported more about the area than the other local newspaper 『Fusannippo』, and it was a newspaper that could fill the gap. Especially, from the aspect of the colonizer, it tried to represent not only the society upper class but also the public opinion below the middle class with 'public opinion' and 'publicness'. In addition, from the viewpoint of the colonized, it published an article on the details or missing parts of the Chosun people society than reported in major hangul newspapers of the day. However, there was no place for Chosun people, who are the majority of the under-society in the ‘Bumin(府民)’, ‘public opinion’, and ‘Publicness’. Although the "public opinion" included Chosun people, it was consistent with the gaze of colonizer such as discrimination and exclusion in everyday life. Therefore, there were relatively many discriminatory and insulting articles about Chosun people compared to the central newspaper. As mentioned above, 『Chosenjiho』 was a Japanese media of complicated and unique colonial Chosun, which was intertwined with coloniality, locality, hierarchicality and ethnicity.