[Ca_1-xSr_xAl₂O₄:Eu²⁺] 형광체의 상전이 및 발광특성에 관한 연구

박윤진,송현돈,정상현,이지희,황민하,김영진,Park, Yun-Jin,Song, Hyun-Don,Jung, Sang-Hyun,Lee, Jee-Hee,Hwang, Min-Ha,Kim, Young-Jin 한국재료학회 2008 한국재료학회지 Vol.18 No.1

The phase transformations and luminescent properties of Eu-doped $Ca_{1-x}Sr_xAl_2O_4$ phosphors were investigated. $Ca_{1-x}Sr_xAl_2O_4:Eu^{2+}$ phosphors were synthesized by a solid-state reaction with a flux, $H_3BO_3$. A phase transformation from monoclinic $CaAl_2O_4$ to monoclinic $SrAl_2O_4$ was observed as the x values increased. A high-temperature hexagonal phase of $SrAl_2O_4$ was formed during this transformation as an intermediate phase under an $H_2$ atmosphere due to oxygen vacancies; this did not occur in an air atmosphere. Accordingly, the emission spectra shifted from a blue region to a green region as x increased.

지식 한 줌 - 소소한 일상의 소중함을 깨닫게 하는 독서에세이

박윤진,Park, Yun-Jin 국가핵융합연구소 2010 핵융합뉴스레터 Vol.47 No.-

高麗前期 ‘賜紫沙門’의 의미와 역할

朴胤珍(Park, Yun-Jin) 한국역사민속학회 2015 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.49

‘賜紫’는 중국에서 승려를 관료처럼 대우하면서 자색 方袍를 하사했던 것이 제도화되면서 나타났으며, 국가에 공훈을 세운 혹은 국가적으로 존숭하는 승려에게 내려준 호칭이었다. 紫衣를 하사받는 것을 ‘賜紫’라고 지칭했으며, 이것이 승려의 직함으로 이용되었다. 송의 영향 속에서 고려는 ‘賜紫’를 인지하였고, 나아가 고려에서도 직접 ‘賜紫’하였다. 고려 승려로 ‘賜紫’나 ‘賜紫沙門’ 직함을 보유한 승려는 사원 창건의 관리자나 비문의 刻字로 불사에 참여한 이들, 불서의 찬술자나 교감자․書者 등이 다수였다. 또 호국적인 법회를 위해 동원된 이들을 ‘紫衣’라고 호칭한 것을 통해 공적인 직임을 담당한 승려도 ‘賜紫’였다. 그리고 ‘紫衣之徒가 律寺의 하나다’라는 三國遺事의 언급과 승록사 소속 승려들이 紫衣를 입고 있었다는 것을 통해 ‘紫衣之徒’ 즉 ‘賜紫’가 僧官으로 다른 승려들을 규찰하는 역할을 담당하였음을 알 수 있었다. 승록사 소속 승려를 紫衣입은 자들로 표현하고 있고, 이를 관리의 항렬보다 낫다고 하므로 이들 승록사의 상급 승관도 ‘賜紫’였다. 고려시대에 승관이 ‘紫衣之徒’ 혹은 ‘賜紫’로 호칭된 것이다. 고려시대 승려는 승과에 합격하면 계서적인 僧階를 받았다. 고려전기에 ‘賜紫’나 ‘賜紫沙門’직함을 가졌던 승려들은 대덕부터 승통까지 교종계열의 모든 승계에서 나타난다. 승계를 가진 승려중 각종 불사에 참여하여 공을 세운 자나 승관으로 임명된 자들만이 ‘賜紫’를 추가로 받았을 것이다. 고려의 독자적인 승계 제도가 존재했음에도 불구하고 ‘賜紫’라는 직함을 승려들이 겸대하고 그것을 표현한 이유는 당시 불교계의 국제성과 관련된다. 고려 불교계는 중국과 직간접적으로 잦은 접촉을 하고 있었고 실질적으로 승려와 불서의 교류가 많았다. 이러한 국제적인 왕래 속에서 고려의 승려가 중국에서 자신이 국가로부터 인정받은 승려라는 것을 증명하는 것이 ‘賜紫’였다. 즉 승려들이 국제적인 활동을 할 때 ‘賜紫’가 그의 신원보증을 해 주었기 때문에 승계와 함께 겸대했던 것이다. 특히 敎藏과 같은 불서의 교감자나 편찬자들은 해당 책이 중국에서도 유통될 것을 상정했을 것이므로 자신의 지위를 표현할 때 고려의 자체적인 승계는 기록하지 않더라도 賜紫를 언급했던 것이다. Saja appeared when monks were treated like officials and bang-po of purple color was bestowed, which was institutionalized. Saja was a title given to monks who performed meritorious deeds or who were respected nationally. Being given purple clothes was called Saja and this was used as a tile of monks. Influenced by Song dynasty, Goryeo recognized Saja and further the nation itself conducted Saja. Monks who owned the title of Saja as Goryeo monks were mostly those who managed temple construction, participated in Buddhist rituals by engraving epitaphs, or editors, communers, and scribes of Buddhist books. In addition, monks who were in charge of formal posts were also Saja given that those who were mobilized for patriotic Buddhist ceremonies were called purple clothes. Moreover,Samgukyusa mentioned that groups of purple clothes were one of styles of Chinese verses and monkes who belonged to Seungroksa put on purple clothes, suggesting that groups who put on purple clothes, in other words, Saja took charge of controlling other monks as monk officials. Further, monks who belonged to Seongroksa were expressed as those who put on purple clothes and their priesthood was also Saja because their position was lower than these officials. In other words, in Goryeo era, monk officials were called groups of purple clothes or Saja. Monks in Goryeo era received a hierarchical public post of monks. Monks who had the title of purple clothes encompassed all monk class of non-Zen Buddhism from Daedeok to Seungtong. Probably those who made a contribution or were appointed as Buddhist officials among monks with a position who participated in all kinds of Buddhist event received saja additionally. Even though an original Buddhist monk class system existed, the reason why monks served as the post of Saja and expressed it is because of the internationality of then the Buddhist world. Goryeo Buddhist world frequently contacted China both directly and indirectly and in actuality monks and Buddhist books were much exchanged. Amid such international exchanges, Goryeo’s monks proved that they had been recognized by their nation in China through Saja. That is, when monks did international activity, Saja guaranteed their identity and therefore they served as Saja together with their own Buddhist position. In particular, communers or compilers of Buddhist books like Gyojang thought that the books would circulate in China as well and therefore when expressing their position, they mentioned Saja even though they did not record their own position in Goryeo.

高麗時代 佛事 담당 '都監'의 조직과 특징

朴胤珍(Park Yun-Jin) 歷史敎育硏究會 2012 역사교육 Vol.121 No.-

During the Goryeo dynasty, 'Dogam(都監)' was the department of the government established for the construction of temples, the making of Buddhist statues, the printing of complete collection of Buddhist Sutras, Laws, and Treatises. Moreover, it provided financial support for the temples and managed them. Sometimes, it was established for the royal events, the installation of national Buddhist monks, and funerals. It was established with various types from King Hyeojong to the end of the Goryeo dynasty. Like other ordinary Dogams, the Dogam for a Buddhist service was staffed by offic ials who took charge of real works of the Dogam. However, high ranking officials from 3rd rank to 1st rank, even sometimes prime minister (Sijung, 侍中) were appointed as the manager of the Dogam. In addition, Buddhist monks were sometimes appointed with the government officials in order to get the cooperation of the temples and Buddhism circle where a Buddhist service took place. Government-issuing historical records like "the History of the Goryeo dynasty" showed only the government officials of the Dogams, but other materials like epigraphs showed that Buddhist monks were appointed as the officials. Therefore, it seemed that most Dogams for a Buddhist service had Buddhist monks as the officials.

안정시 및 운동 강도에 따른 고교축구선수의 뇌혈류 속도 및 저항지수의 변화

박윤진(Yun Jin Park),서용곤(Yong Gon Seo),이성기(Sung Ki Lee),김경태(Kyung Tae Kim),김명기(Myung Ki Kim) 한국사회체육학회 2010 한국사회체육학회지 Vol.0 No.41

The purpose of this research is to prepare exercise stability/safety by predicting possible dangerous situations during competitions in advance and presenting appropriate exercise intensity based on TCD(Transcranial Doppler ultrasound) analysis of Systolic, Diastolic and Mean Blood Flow Velocity, Pulsatility Index(PI) and Resistive Index(RI) from MCA according to exercise intensity as well as at rest. The subjects were 10 soccer players from high school over 5 years in experience. To analyze Cerebral Blood Flow, PI and RI Changes according to exercise intensity, treadmill test was performed among single group at rest and with moderate, high and maximal intensity. In comparison with the velocities at rest, Systolic, Diastolic and Mean Blood Velocity were increased at moderate and high intensity but they were decreased at maximal intensity(p<0.05). On the other hand, Pulsatility and Resistive Index were increased at all the other intensities(p<0.05). In a repeated measured One-way ANOVA, there were significant differences between the each measured values-blood velocities and indexes-and the various exercise intensities (p<0.05). In a post Hoc test, there were significant differences between rest and the other intensities in Systolic Blood Velocity ; rest and moderate/high intensity, moderate and maximal intensity, and high and maximal intensity in Diastolic Blood Velocity ; rest and moderate/high/maximal intensity, and high and maximal intensity in Mean Blood Velocity ; rest and moderate/maximal intensity, and moderate and high intensity in Pulsatility and Resistive Index (p<0.05).

『高麗史』兵志의 체제와 그 특징

朴胤珍(PARK YUN JIN) 고려사학회 2011 한국사학보 Vol.- No.44

As far as 『Goryeosa(高麗史, history of Korean dynasty)』 says in the introductory remarks, about its documentation system being based on 『Yuanshi (元史, history of Yuan Dynasty)』, the cataloging of Byeongji(military section, 兵志) in 『Goryeosa(高麗史)』 is no exception: Byeongji 1 of the 81th volume(Military System(兵制)) as well as Byeongji 2 of the 82th volume(Suk-wi(宿衛), Jinsu(鎭戍), Cham-yeok(站驛), Majeong(馬政), Dunjeon(屯田)). However, the part of Seongbo(Castles and Fortresses,城堡) which catalogues Goryeo’s distinctive strategy to defend against foreign forces in Byeongji 2, is not found in 『Yuanshi』. The system of Byeongji in 『Goryeosa』 and 『Yuanshi』 is differed. The troops which belong to Suk-wi(宿衛) in Byeongji 2, 『Yuanshi』 are described as rather independent troops in Byeongji 3 『Goryeosa』. And Gansugun(看守軍), Wisukgun(圍宿軍), two of independent troops in Byeongji 3 『Goryeosa』, played the same role as Suk-wi(宿衛) in Byeongji, 『Yuanshi』. They were deployed at Jinjeon(Royal portrait archive, 眞殿) and Neung(Royal tombs, 陵) to protect the places. Originated from 『Yuanshi』, the Wisukgun troop defended the Imperial city when the there was no castle around the city. For example. Wisukgun emblematically surrounded the capital, both inside and outside of castle gates as well as at Jinjeon and Neung. Consequently, Gansu-gun and Wisuk-gun in 『Goryeosa』 came from the low-ranked militaries of Suk-wi in 『Yuanshi』. While the low-ranked militaries of Suk-wi in Yuanshi were temporarily organized, Gansugun and Wisukgun in 『Goryeosa』 were regular troops and hence. organized as the separated troops to Suk-wi. In the meantime, 『Goryeosa』 recorded that Gansugun and Wisukgun were the troops during Injong era, in order to fulfill the principle of cataloging based on the record from Injong and Euijong era as well as referring to Sangjeonggogeumrae(詳定古今禮), Sikmoksupyeonrok (式目編修錄) and miscellanea, since the introductory remarks of 『Goryeosa』 had insufficient reference data. The narrative principle of 『Goryeosa』, according to its editor. was supposed to follow the system of 『Yuanshi』 and refer to Sangjeonggogeumrae. In this study, the analysis of system and contents of 『Yuanshi』 demonstrated their effort to follow the principle of the introductory remarks. 『Goryeosa』 is differentiated with 『Yuanshi』 in terms of reflecting the distinctiveness of Goyro Dynasty.

고려시대 王師ㆍ國師에 대한 대우

朴胤珍(Park Yun-Jin) 역사학회 2006 역사학보 Vol.0 No.190

During the Goryeo period, every monk registered in the seunggye was, under the jeonsigwa (田柴科, Stipend Land Law), ensured of receiving at least the same amount of land in the form of byeolsa (別賜, special royal grant) as daedeok (大德), a lowest-ranked monk in the hierarchy. In addition, a monk received a salary when he was appointed to a government post. Given the fact that the guktong (國統, National Overseer) Muwae received monthly salaries, we can surmise that wangsa (王師, Royal Preceptor) and guksa (國師, National Preceptor) were also rewarded for their services. The hasanso (下山所), temples where these monks retired, also received additional land, a privilege considered to be a special economic benefit. Managed in effect by the wangsa and guksa, these hasanso became the basis of their economic power. Economic benefits were not the only privilege the wangsa and guksa enjoyed as their temple was designated as a hasanso; such designation also made it possible for them to avoid the difficulties of moving resident temples every few years as the result of evaluation of their job performance. On top of these economic privileges, administrative bureaus called bu (府) were created for wangsa and guksa during the late Goryeo period. The social status of the National Preceptor Bou is clearly evidenced in historical records which list the titles and sub-organizations associated with the wonyungbu (圓融府). The wonyungbu can be compared with the Jebi jubu (諸妃主府), a department for the royal family, which was established only after a royal prince ascended to the throne and which was not even convened for Yuan princesses. As such, we can imagine how well the wangsa and guksa were treated during the Goryeo period. Furthermore, the wangsa and guksa were granted posthumous titles. As posthumous titles were granted only to the jaesin (high ranked officials from the Jungseo munhaseong), we can regard the political and social status of the wangsa and guksa as equal to that of the jaesin. This assertion is further supported by the fact that the Daegwango (大官誥), which was used as a certificate of appointment to the positions of seungtong (Partriarch) and daeseonsa (Great Seon Master), was only used for the appointment of jaesin and members of the royal family. Thus, seals used by the wangsa and guksa reveal that they received preferential treatment similar to what was generally reserved for the highest government officials. The preferential manner in which the wangsa and guksa were treated can also be surmised from the privileges granted to their parents and close acquaintances. The parents of Jia, Iryeon, Hongu, Misu, and Bou were appointed to the senior third rank. Moreover, we can see that these two monks were well treated in the fact that the fathers of Jia and Bou were appointed to the position of munha sijung, a post to which even high government officials found it hard to be appointed. In addition, the close acquaintances of Jeongo, Iryeon, Hongu, Cheonheui, and Bou also received posthumous titles. However, the granting of posthumous titles was limited to the parents and close acquaintances of monks who maintained a close relationship with the king. This point is further supported by the fact that there are only five cases in which posthumous honors were conferred on the parents and close acquaintances of monks. Iryeon, Hongu, and Bou received these two privileges. In addition, considering that the honors given to his close acquaintances were cancelled and restored in accordance with changes in Bou's position, these posthumous honors can be regarded as having had their origins in the special political influence which he exercised.

재생에너지 보급 확대에 따른 전력계통 유연성 변화 분석

박윤진(Yun-Jin Park),김문겸(Mun-Kyeom Kim) 대한전기학회 2023 대한전기학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2023 No.7

『고려사절요(高麗史節要)』의 범례와 불교 기사 수록 방식

박윤진 ( Park Yun-jin ) 한국중세사학회 2022 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.69

At the stage of Goryeosajeolyo, the legend was first introduced, which recorded the first visit of each king and incident events as it was cumbersome to record all the events of the temple, Buddhist initiation ceremony of receiving the commandments of Buddhism, and offering donations to temples, all of which was the ordinary work of the king at the time. In Goryeosajeolyo, in addition to the actual record of the visit to temples, the sentence “[He] frequently visited the temple from this point on” was added to clearly indicate that this was the first visit, and 13 of the total 34 Kings were in such case. As Goryeosajeolyo had a system in which the year following the accession to the throne is used as the first year to calculate the year, most of the records of first visit were recorded after the first year of the King’s reign, not the year of accession. The visit to the temple at this time was “the king’s daily affairs at that time,” and ceremonies such as Yeondeunghoe and Palgwanhoe and the temple visit for the parents’ Gisindoryang were not included. Despite the fact that the sentence that describe the first visit to the temple by King Munjong was recorded after “only one’s own opinion,” even though there was a content that could be considered a visit to temple in Goryeosajeolyo during the periods of Deokjong and Jeongjong, which was right before that, there is no sentence after “only one’s own opinion.” In addition, there were quite a few cases where the legend was not accurately observed, which was supposed to record the first visit in the Goryeosajeolyo. This was explained as the historians in charge of this royal dynasty did not follow the generally agreed-upon recording method despite that the legend existed. The article on the first visits of King Chungryeol and King Gongmin during the intervention period by the Yuan Dynasty confirmed the characteristics of the times where the Kings visited the temple with the princess of Yuan Dynasty, not alone. In addition, the fact that there were three types of sentences stating, “[He] frequently visited the temple from this point on,” makes it clear that each historian in charge was able to freely decide the content and method. It is also mentioned that historians in charge of each royal family can be divided into several groups based on such recording method of the first visit to temples.

新羅末 高麗初 高僧碑에 보이는 종법적 표현과 계보 인식

朴胤珍(Park, Yun Jin) 한국사학회 2013 史學硏究 Vol.- No.109

신라말 고려초 고승비문에는 승려의 師資관계를 부계 혈통 의식이 내포된 종법적 용어로 표현한 사례가 다수 등장한다. 즉 嚴君이나 令子ㆍ?子, 來孫과 같은 부계 혈통 용어와 本籍과 같은 단어를 사용하고 있다. 한편 이러한 종법적 표현 방식을 통해 자신의 계보를 서술하면서, ‘九山門’ 범주의 국내 계보를 중시하기는 하지만 국내 스승과는 별개인 자신만의 중국 계보를 강조한 경우도 있었다. 뿐만 아니라 자신들의 계보 중 선택적으로 강조하는 것이 동일 산문, 동일 스승의 문도간에도 차이가 있어서 계보관이 동일하지 않았음을 알 수 있다. 이는 당시 산문 의식이 후대의 ‘구산문’과 같이 넓지 않았음을 보여준다. 또한 국내 스승과 차이를 가지는 중국 계보를 자랑스럽게 드러낸 것은 중국 선종 속에서 자신의 위상을 확인하고자 하는 의도로 이해했다. 한편 동일한 스승의 문하였던 승려들의 비문 검토를 통해서는 상호간 동문 의식이 거의 없었음도 확인하였다. 梵日의 제자였던 開淸과 行寂은비슷한 시기에 범일의 문하로 생활했는데도 불구하고 각자의 비에서 서로에 대한 언급이 없을 뿐만 아니라 스승인 범일의 유일한 수제자로서 각자를 기술하고 있다. 이는 개청과 행적 본인뿐만 아니라 해당 고승비의 건립을 주도한 그들의 제자들 입장에서 고승비의 주인공을 강조하기 위한 의도를 가지고 동문에 대한 서술을 회피한 것이었다. 그러나 자신들 세력의 번성함을 강조하기 위해 산문의 구성원을 소개하는 것도 의미가 있다는 점을 생각해보면, 역시 후대만큼의 산문 의식은 존재하지 않았음을 알 수 있다. 대부분의 고승비에는 스승과 버금갈 정도의 의미가 있는 승려를 ‘師兄’으로 언급할 뿐 수평적인 동문에 대한 언급이 없었다. 그리고 남종선의 초전자로서 道義의 위상은 ‘迦智山’만의 주장은 아니고, 『慧昭碑』와『道憲碑』에서도 이를 인정했고 이런 인식은 고려시대까지 지속되었다. 그런데 도의를 신라 선종의 시조로서 표방한 내용이 도의의 손제자인 體澄碑에서는『禮記』?를 인용하여 중국 선종의 別子로서 우리나라 선종의 1祖가 되었다는 종법적 표현으로 설명하고 있다. 이러한 도의의 위상은 眞空大師□運이 도의를 직접 만나지도 않은 채 그의 제자라고 자칭하게 한 원인이었다. The epitaph of high priests established during the end of Shilla Dynasty and the beginning of Koryo Dynasty shows many cases of using patrilineal terms to express a master-disciple relationship. Terms such as umgun(嚴君), youngja(令子), chongja(?子), lason(來孫) are some of the examples. Some priests emphasized the Chinese-side of their lineage, while also valuing Korean lineage of ‘Gusanmun (nine mountain monasteries, 九山門)’. It is construed that high priests had liberty to choose particular lineage they wanted to underscore, and also that even students of the same priest did not have shared idea of lineage. Also, the epitaph of priests who had the same teacher show that they had little sense of solidarity. These suggest that the sense of belonging to the same sect of Buddhism was not as strong as it was later in Gusanmun. Meanwhile, in many written documents in addition to the claim of ‘Gajisan(迦智山)’ sect, was priest Toui(道義) widely perceived as the founder of the Zen sect, and such belief carried into the Koryo Dynasty. On the epitaph of priest Toui’s disciple, Chejing (體澄), was quoted a phrase from the Confucian book of etiquette, Yegi(禮記), to confirm that Toui was the founding father of the Zen sect.