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This article attempts to examine the Spanish response to the dissolution of Spain`s empire in the Americas and the influence of Latin American independent movements on Spain`s political shift during the period of 1808~1823. It also pays to be attentive to some aspects of transatlantic interrelation by focusing on to what extent political ups and downs in the Iberian peninsular shaped by Americanos` struggle for self-government and independence. From the late 18th century to the early 19th century, the Spanish Atlantic Empire was embroiled in intense battles for independence and liberal revolution. Meanwhile, Spain`s response to independent movements of its American colonies was determined by a single and consistent policy: uncompromising disapproval of independence. The Constitution of 1812, albeit applauded as a hallmark of Spanish liberalism, demonstrated the moral dilemma and contradictory move of Spanish liberals who decided to deprive African descendants , blacks and castes, of their suffrage. In other words, the Constitution of 1812 itself was discriminatory toward Americanos and their demands for equal representation in the Cortes. Furthermore, the restoration of Fernando VII to the throne in May 1814 led to a complete reappraisal of colonial policies and preparation for the military reconquest of American colonies, some of whom pursued independence. In January 1820, sedition spread among the junior officers of expeditionary forces led by Major Rafael del Riego who fostered ideals of restoring the liberal 1812 constitution and firmly believed that its implementation was the last chance to save the empire. However, the Constitutional triennium , 1820~1823, had to give a way to the second restoration in a state of political division among the liberals. Spanish political process from the first restoration in 1814 to the second one in 1823 was full of dramatic turnabouts and conversion that could compare to the French revolutionary decade. The rapid and violent political oscillation in Spain during the period impeded the possibilities of its recovery of former colonies slipping away in America. The political ups and downs in the Iberian peninsular were closely linked to the process of Americanos` struggle for independence. Indeed, the revolutions in America contributed towards, if not directly produced, a series of crises in the Spanish ancient regime and the breakdown of the Spanish empire by providing the motive power for the Spanish liberal reform.
This article examines the Argentine case of coming to terms with the Dirty War from 1976 to 1983, during which period the military junta carried out repressive politics of anti-subversion in an unprecedented manner. Although the Alfonsin government tried to elucidate the Dirty War crimes by establishing CONADEP that would finally submit an official report titled Nunca Mas, it had to negotiate the scope of indictment with the military perpetrators and even accept their impunity, facing with the military revolts. It was not until recently that the Nestor Kirchner administration resumed the Argentine confrontation of the tragic past by groping for a new possibility to investigate the issue of the disappeared and put the perpetrators on trial. This article also deals with the Tlatelolco massacre in October 1968. The tragic event that killed about 300 resistant students epitomized the bankruptcy of the official ideology of the Mexican Revolution. The massacre occurred at Tlatelolco’s Plazas de Tres Culturas(Plaza of Three Culture) disillusioned general public and enabled them to protest the authoritarian regime. Unfortunately, more than 30 long years passed on without scrutinizing who were responsible for that tragic event and the subsequent Dirty War, and thereafter obstructed justice in Mexico. Although Mexico recently has witnessed recurrence of the controversy surrounding coming to terms with the past, the issue has not attracted widespread attention yet. In sum, reflecting the their tragic past in Argentina and Mexico indicates that it is a continual and persistent process which often entails acute controversies and tension in a given society regarding the sensitive issues such as the victims and perpetrators, how to recognize the past, and accountability and punishment. Moreover, the process of‘coming to terms with the past’has to include any efforts to remedy trauma inherited from painful pages of the past in order to search for appropriate cultural identities as well as the activities to elucidate the past.
마야 원주민인 리고베르타 멘추는 과테말라 내전이 낳은 망명 이주민으로서 군부독재체제의 원주민 학살을 고발하고 내전의 종식과 원주민 권리 회복을 위해 노력함으로써 1992년 노벨평화상을 수상했다. 그의 인생역정을 요약한다면 국경을 넘는 삶 또는 지역과 국가의 틀을 넘어 전 세계를 무대로 활동하는 초국적인 삶이라고 할 만하다. 망명 이주민 멘추의 생애는 무엇보다 다양한 이주와 이동, 즉 국내 추방, 이웃 국가인 멕시코로의 망명, 세계 각지 순방과 국제기구를 활용하는 정치 활동 등을 통해 세계의 여러 문제를 인식하게 될 뿐만 아니라 원주민 공동체와 지역, 국가, 세계를 연계시키는 세계시민의 귀감이 된다. 또 노벨평화상 수상을 계기로 진보적 성향의 정치 세력과 지식인들의 우상이 된 멘추가 사고의 독립성을 견지하는 가운데 혁명 투쟁으로부터 점차 새로운 방식의 사회운동으로 활동의 폭을 넓혔다는 점에 주목할 필요가 있다. 아울러 멘추의 삶은 신자유주의적 세계화 시대를 풍미한‘위로부터의 세계시민성’과 대비되는‘아래로부터의 세계시민성’의 실례를 제시해준다. This article focuses on the relationship between political upheaval and migration through the life of asylum seeker Rigoberta Menchu from Guatemala and pays special attention to the contribution of her transnational life to the discussion of global citizenship. Rigoberta Menchu Tum, a Mayan born in Guatemala, became an international icon for the rights of indigenous people in the Americas and ethnocultural reconciliation, especially after receiving the 1992 Nobel Peace Prize. The life of Rigoberta Menchu can be summarized as a life of “Crossing Borders,” just as the English title of her second book exposes. First of all, Menchu became a model global citizen who interconnects a local community, the national, and the global through her dramatic transnational experiences. It should be also noted that she increasingly evolved into a public figure with propensity for independence of thoughts. In addition, Menchu’s life gives a wonderful example of radical democratic conceptions of global citizenship, in other words, “global citizenship from below” that may be the strongest alternative to globalization and “global citizenship from above.”
Guatemala, in Central America, was a prominent example of a counterinsurgency state that culminated in a terrible genocide carried out against indigenous villages by the military dictatorship in the early 1980s. Although the signing of peace accords in December 1996 marked a dramatic transition from war to peace in the region, it turned out to be only a step toward a negative peace, in other words, toward the absence of armed violence. Guatemala seemed to have a long way to go toward a positive peace such as that required for a fairer society, one that is free from want, and poised for the achievement of an appropriate public order and development. It should be noted that civil society organizations in Guatemala represented by the Civil Society Assembly (ASC) played a crucial role in defining the priorities of the peace process and mediating between the Guatemalan government and the guerrilla groups. After the signing of the peace accords, the Guatemalan Truth Commission (CEH) tried to clarify the root causes of the prolonged civil war and how they had functioned, in order to present recommendations for building a firm and lasting peace. The recommendations included the reduction of poverty, reduction of socioeconomic inequality, eliminating discrimination against the indigenous population, and eradicating impunity. Furthermore, there are decisive structural changes needed for establishing a lasting peace in Guatemala including the establishment of an integral strategy for public safety based on the progressive demilitarization of the society, the strengthening of processes and institutions for participatory democracy, the equitable redistribution of land and resources, and the building of a multiethnic and intercultural society through adequate recognition of the rights of the indigenous. It is also worthy of note that actors and institutions at the local and grassroots levels are indispensable in implementing peace agreements and carrying out integral human development.
This article examines why the post-revolutionary state built public commemorative memorials such as the Monument to the Revolution in Mexico City to glorify the Mexican Revolution and perpetuate its official memory. The significance of the Monument to the Revolution in reinforcing national integration and unification as well as in prolonging its commemoration has been only marginally discussed. Post-revolutionary leaders regarded the cityscape as an artifact of the Revolution, and therefore a way of demonstrating the direction of the national government following the prolonged revolutionary upheaval. The historian Patrice Elizabeth Olsen properly points out that the construction of the Monument to the Revolution was intended to reconstruct public memory of the Revolution as well as contemporary history, and to reconcile rival forces by removing Europhilic symbols of the Porfirio Díaz regime, such as the Palace of the Federal Legislature. The Monument adopted Prehispanic architectural forms to extol indigenous cultures and mexicanidad. Also inherent in the monument were the legitimation of post-revolutionary state and a symbolic reclamation of public space. The Monument to the Revolution in the capital city was paradigmatic, not only of revolutionary change, but also of a grand transition from the nationalist struggle for Independence to the liberal Reform of the mid-19th century, culminating in the Revolution of the 20th century. However, the enduring, evocative power of the Monument has had more to do with a subsequent modification that was carried out in the early 1940s, rather than with its original design and concepts in the previous decade. Its architect then designed an honored cemetery for five revolutionary leaders, and thereafter the meaning of the Monument and its linkage with the Revolution were definitively enhanced.
This article tries to review research on Spanish and Latin American history published for the past two years in Korean academia, and suggest necessary future tasks that Iberoamericanists in Korea have to take intop roper consideration. Although more than ten years passed since Research Society of Iberoamerican History in Korea, its members remain practically unchanged. As one might expect, since its inception the research area in Korean academia has been heavily conditioned by scarcity in human power. In spite of hard times they have faced, several researchers attempted to extend their research topics into less explored fields such as the interrelation between Catholic and Islamic communities in medieval Spain, construction of ‘la Mezquita’ in Córdoba, characteristics of the Mexican liberalism in the 19th century, several faces of Latin American populism, and expropriation of foreign oil wells and debt repayment in Mexico. The last two years witnessed the entrance of new and younger generation in Latin American history, which was quite inspiring. They tried to not only add human power but also contributed in diversifying research subjects and topics by adopting new and recent approaches such as Salvador Allende’s Medicina Social and new political concepts in the periods of Mexican Independence movement. Moreover, it is recommendable and desirable for Iberoamericanists in Korea to actively participate in the joint research and collaboration projects on relevant topics as well as deepening own interested research themes and translating valuable academic works into Korean.
This article focuses on how the Argentines have come to terms with their tragic past, especially the issue of the disappeared sprung out of the Dirty War period, a time of military state terror. The case of Asociacion Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a group of mothers of the desaparecidos, shows to what extent the efforts to cure and mourn the victims as well as inquiring into the past affairs, punishment, and recompense was crucial in opening a new phase of a certain nation’s history. Since April 1977, the Madres have fought against various efforts to bury and forget the tragic past by the civilian governments as well as the military regime, and demonstrated a great capacity to maintain their political and ethical demands of ‘Back alive’(Aparicion con vida). The arguments over forgetting and remembering the Dirty War in Argentina have raged since it ended in 1983. While trying to resolve their grief in an uncommon way, the Madres have both grown up as a new being with their children’s political ideal and produced a positive social change by transforming their grief into a new energy based on peace and solidarity. Despite their internal conflict and eventual separation surrounding several issues of the desaparecidos, their struggle of memory reminds us of how significant the tasks to elucidate the historical verity could be. It should be noted that ‘coming to terms with the past’ cannot be accomplished in a single round. Rather, ‘dealing with the past’ should be regarded as a continual and persistent process that faces with new issues such as the recognition of the past, ethical matters, and official and unofficial memories over time. It is related to not only several concerned parties but also whole elements in a society or the next generation in general. It also needs to be recognized as future-oriented efforts based on critical reflection and thoughtful understanding of the tragic past. Therefore, the process of ‘coming to terms with the past’ has to include any efforts to remedy wounds and trauma inherited from painful pages of the past in order to grope for appropriate cultural identities as well as the activities to disclose the past.
This article shows how Franklin D. Roosevelt(FDR)’s Good Neighbor policy affected the Latin American country’s internal affairs by paying special attention to the Mexican expropriation policy of oil wells managed by foreign multinational corporations in March 1938. During the Lazaro Cardenas presidency, the multinational oil enterprises that had operated in Mexico soon came under severe criticism for their maltreatment of workers and their failure to adhere to Mexican laws and pay taxes. The Mexican workers who were considered largely underpaid, precipitated a series of strikes in the main oil production areas and the situation reached a point of crisis. On March 18, 1938, Cardenas issued a decree that substantially expropriated oil wells of multinational corporations and nationalized the entire domestic petroleum industry. Facing with the international crisis surrounding the oil expropriation, the Roosevelt administration consistently maintained Good Neighbor policy that would produce a longer effect regarding the national interests. Good Neighbor policy paved a more favorable foundation for pan-American cooperation that would function effectively as the Western hemisphere became closely involved with the wartime situation especially after summer of 1939. Because of its geographical proximity, vast natural resources, and a lack of appropriate protection of unguarded shores, unprotected oil fields and mines, Mexico became a main strategic concern for the U.S. defense project. From the U.S. perspective, this possibility was very significant for several reasons: Mexico shared southern border with the U.S.; Mexico was the second largest Latin American country in population; Mexico had more questions at issue with the U.S. than any of others, especially culminated in oil expropriation dispute; finally other Latin American countries considered the U.S. approach toward Mexico as a yardstick of the reliability of the Good Neighbor policy. The Cardenas’ presidency has been recognized as the culmination of revolutionary nationalism in Mexico because of his reform politics such as agrarian and labor reform as well as the oil nationalization. Cardenas was able to strengthen at least symbolically the economic independence by means of the expropriation of oil industry that had formerly been controlled by foreign companies, and took advantage of the wartime situation to avoid overall boycott of the Mexican oil products before the end of his and Roosevelt’s presidential terms. However, right after the promulgation of oil expropriation, his reform politics began to change its preceding radical orientation. FDR’s Good Neighbor policy exercised gradual influence on Cardenas’ change of pace in his internal politics and eventually succeeded in steering Mexico to a new phase of mutual cooperation.