세계에 비춰 본 유럽 : 아메리카노의 독립투쟁과 에스파냐 자유주의의 변화, 1808~1823

박구병 ( Koo Byoung Park ) 한국서양사학회 2012 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.112

This article attempts to examine the Spanish response to the dissolution of Spain`s empire in the Americas and the influence of Latin American independent movements on Spain`s political shift during the period of 1808~1823. It also pays to be attentive to some aspects of transatlantic interrelation by focusing on to what extent political ups and downs in the Iberian peninsular shaped by Americanos` struggle for self-government and independence. From the late 18th century to the early 19th century, the Spanish Atlantic Empire was embroiled in intense battles for independence and liberal revolution. Meanwhile, Spain`s response to independent movements of its American colonies was determined by a single and consistent policy: uncompromising disapproval of independence. The Constitution of 1812, albeit applauded as a hallmark of Spanish liberalism, demonstrated the moral dilemma and contradictory move of Spanish liberals who decided to deprive African descendants , blacks and castes, of their suffrage. In other words, the Constitution of 1812 itself was discriminatory toward Americanos and their demands for equal representation in the Cortes. Furthermore, the restoration of Fernando VII to the throne in May 1814 led to a complete reappraisal of colonial policies and preparation for the military reconquest of American colonies, some of whom pursued independence. In January 1820, sedition spread among the junior officers of expeditionary forces led by Major Rafael del Riego who fostered ideals of restoring the liberal 1812 constitution and firmly believed that its implementation was the last chance to save the empire. However, the Constitutional triennium , 1820~1823, had to give a way to the second restoration in a state of political division among the liberals. Spanish political process from the first restoration in 1814 to the second one in 1823 was full of dramatic turnabouts and conversion that could compare to the French revolutionary decade. The rapid and violent political oscillation in Spain during the period impeded the possibilities of its recovery of former colonies slipping away in America. The political ups and downs in the Iberian peninsular were closely linked to the process of Americanos` struggle for independence. Indeed, the revolutions in America contributed towards, if not directly produced, a series of crises in the Spanish ancient regime and the breakdown of the Spanish empire by providing the motive power for the Spanish liberal reform.

프랭클린 D. 루스벨트의 ‘선린정책’과 멕시코의 석유 국유화

박구병(Koo-Byoung Park) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2007 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.20 No.4

This article shows how Franklin D. Roosevelt(FDR)’s Good Neighbor policy affected the Latin American country’s internal affairs by paying special attention to the Mexican expropriation policy of oil wells managed by foreign multinational corporations in March 1938. During the Lazaro Cardenas presidency, the multinational oil enterprises that had operated in Mexico soon came under severe criticism for their maltreatment of workers and their failure to adhere to Mexican laws and pay taxes. The Mexican workers who were considered largely underpaid, precipitated a series of strikes in the main oil production areas and the situation reached a point of crisis. On March 18, 1938, Cardenas issued a decree that substantially expropriated oil wells of multinational corporations and nationalized the entire domestic petroleum industry. Facing with the international crisis surrounding the oil expropriation, the Roosevelt administration consistently maintained Good Neighbor policy that would produce a longer effect regarding the national interests. Good Neighbor policy paved a more favorable foundation for pan-American cooperation that would function effectively as the Western hemisphere became closely involved with the wartime situation especially after summer of 1939. Because of its geographical proximity, vast natural resources, and a lack of appropriate protection of unguarded shores, unprotected oil fields and mines, Mexico became a main strategic concern for the U.S. defense project. From the U.S. perspective, this possibility was very significant for several reasons: Mexico shared southern border with the U.S.; Mexico was the second largest Latin American country in population; Mexico had more questions at issue with the U.S. than any of others, especially culminated in oil expropriation dispute; finally other Latin American countries considered the U.S. approach toward Mexico as a yardstick of the reliability of the Good Neighbor policy. The Cardenas’ presidency has been recognized as the culmination of revolutionary nationalism in Mexico because of his reform politics such as agrarian and labor reform as well as the oil nationalization. Cardenas was able to strengthen at least symbolically the economic independence by means of the expropriation of oil industry that had formerly been controlled by foreign companies, and took advantage of the wartime situation to avoid overall boycott of the Mexican oil products before the end of his and Roosevelt’s presidential terms. However, right after the promulgation of oil expropriation, his reform politics began to change its preceding radical orientation. FDR’s Good Neighbor policy exercised gradual influence on Cardenas’ change of pace in his internal politics and eventually succeeded in steering Mexico to a new phase of mutual cooperation.

혁명적 환희의 이면: 멕시코의 유정 수용(收用) 조치와 외채 상환

박구병 ( Koobyoung Park ) 한국서양사연구회 2017 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.57

This article attempts to examine in what context the Lazaro Cardenas administration tried to extend state regulation on the petroleum industry controlled by foreign major companies in Mexico, and to what extent his decision to expropriate the companies’ oil wells could be regarded as a revolutionary policy. It also inspects how the important processes of workers’ organization contributed to enhancing the significant measure by the Cardenas administration. Since the end of the military phase in the Mexican Revolution, the nascent petroleum industry in Mexico had witnessed the growth of its working-class organization culminated in the creation of the national union in 1936. Labor-management dispute provided the Cardenas administration with an appropriate chance to intervene the oil industry and the Mexican government decided to expropriate the companies’ oil wells on March 18, 1938 after the companies refused to follow the federal board ruling. It was a culminating moment of the revolutionary nationalism in Mexico, but thereafter followed huge burden on the other side. Mexicans could not help but compensate for the loss of the companies, and repay the debt. A progressive Mexicanization of the oil industry had to pay for the euphoria of revolutionary nationalism and patriotic pride. The state of international affairs at the brink of war as well as Good Neighbor policy by the then U.S. government contributed to fulfilling the decision of the Mexican counterpart. The U.S. had fear of Axis expansion in Mexico and other Latin American countries and Josephus Daniels, the then U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, played a significant role in dealing with the tricky situation for the Mexicans. In effect, the expropriation did not entail display of outright hostility and violent reaction, and rather unprecedented display of broad patriotic passion and cohesion. However, the expropriation as an exceptional measure brought about the economic costs of debt repayment Mexicans had to be liable for. Although Cardenas’ announcement was considered tantamount to a declaration of economic independence and he was elevated to the status of an inspiring and even mythic hero, the expropriation of oil industry was not extended into other sectors in the country. The expropriation in March 1938 thus offered a perfect example of the new politica de masas that was the main legacy of the Revolution of 1910. The expropriation was also significant in making the shift of policies to a more moderate direction. It forced Cardenas to promise the companies a fair indemnity and guarantee that he would leave further expropriations out of consideration. (Dept. of History, Ajou University / kbpark@ajou.ac.kr)

[스페인 · 라틴아메리카] 이베로아메리카사: ‘국내 최초’ 연구의 외연 확대

박구병(Park, Koobyoung) 역사학회 2019 역사학보 Vol.0 No.243

This article tries to review research on Spanish and Latin American history published for the past two years in Korean academia, and suggest necessary future tasks that Iberoamericanists in Korea have to take intop roper consideration. Although more than ten years passed since Research Society of Iberoamerican History in Korea, its members remain practically unchanged. As one might expect, since its inception the research area in Korean academia has been heavily conditioned by scarcity in human power. In spite of hard times they have faced, several researchers attempted to extend their research topics into less explored fields such as the interrelation between Catholic and Islamic communities in medieval Spain, construction of ‘la Mezquita’ in Córdoba, characteristics of the Mexican liberalism in the 19th century, several faces of Latin American populism, and expropriation of foreign oil wells and debt repayment in Mexico. The last two years witnessed the entrance of new and younger generation in Latin American history, which was quite inspiring. They tried to not only add human power but also contributed in diversifying research subjects and topics by adopting new and recent approaches such as Salvador Allende’s Medicina Social and new political concepts in the periods of Mexican Independence movement. Moreover, it is recommendable and desirable for Iberoamericanists in Korea to actively participate in the joint research and collaboration projects on relevant topics as well as deepening own interested research themes and translating valuable academic works into Korean.

[스페인ㆍ라틴아메리카] 이베로아메리카사 : '국내 최초'의 연구에서 질적 수준의 심화로

朴枸炳(Park Koo-byoung) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.203

미래 교육시설 안전관리 방향 -선제적인 재난대응을 위한 전국 교육시설 DB화-

박구병(Kubyoung Park),김재영(Jaeyoung Kim),정준호(Junho Jeong),이병호(Byoungho Lee) 대한토목학회 2020 대한토목학회지 Vol.68 No.10

독립 이후 라틴아메리카 지식인들의 유럽 인식과 자기정체성 탐색 - 볼리바르에서 바스콘셀로스까지 -

박구병 ( Koo Byoung Park ) 한국서양사학회 2006 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.91

연장된 까르데나스체제 - 라사로 까르데나스 ( Lazaro Cardenas ) 와 멕시코 정치의 탈군사화 , 1938 - 1945

박구병(Koo Byoung Park) 한국서양사학회 2002 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.72

Extended Cardenismo: La´zaro Ca´rdenas and the Demilitarization of Mexican Politics, 1938-1945 The article deals with not only the presidency of La´zaro Ca´rdenas(1934-1940) in Mexico but also extended cardenismo after his presidency until 1945. Previous literature has mainly examined Ca´rdenas` incorporation politics of popular groups into governing coalition during his presidency and showed to what extent Mexicos political trajectory after 1940 contrasted with Ca´rdenas` radical politics represented by the oil expropriation and intensive land reform. As exemplified in a popular title the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1940, many works have claimed that after 1940, the pivotal year, the institutionalized Revolution began to change its preceding radical orientation. By contrast, this article intends to explore coherent trends of demilitarizing politics and reinforcing one-party rule that passed through the period between 1938 and 1945, a more moderate and consolidating phase of Ca´rdenas` decade. In particular, it pays close attention to considerable political influence that Ca´rdenas continued to maintain during his post-presidential years as a high-ranking military leader such as Commander of the Military Region of the Pacific (1941-1942) and Secretary of National Defense(1942-1945). While Mexico witnessed a long period of marginalizing military influence in politics since the Revolution had ended, Ca´rdenas played a bridge role in transforming the era of military politicos into the subsequent civilian rule. Like his predecessors, Ca´rdenas tried to establish a more disciplined and dependable army by promoting selective professionalization and incorporation of loyal military factions. In order to centralize his control over the military, Ca´rdenas undermined local bases of caudillos and their militias, which had remained remnants of revolutionary militarism. In the meantime, professionalization of the military allied with central government played a decisive role in subduing regional warlordism. He effectively prevented politically ambitious military leader from challenging against central authorities by allowing them to find alternative compensation in business sectors. Reorganizing the governing party in March 1938, he converted the military from political contestant into a pillar of theone-party system. Thus the professionalized military as a shareholder in the governing party was expected to confine its activities to maintaining institutional stability. Indeed much of Ca´rdenas` success of demilitarization derived from his incorporation into politics of agrarian and labor groups, which came to off counterbalances to military power within the institutional boundary. Moreover, Ca´rdenas brought a different dimension in demilitarizing Mexican politics. In sharp contrast to Obreg´on who wanted to be President once again or Calles who controlled important decision-making behind the scenes, after his presidency Ca´rdenas set a model of political non-intervention as a supreme commander of the army. Despite his influential position in the wartime situation and constant rumors regarding his political ambition, Ca´rdenas continued to lead professionalization of the military, without repeating his predecessors` customary political intervention. Ca´rdenas established a new paradigm of Mexican politics by exemplifying the principle of political non-intervention of the professionalized military. Ca´rdenas` continuing role after 1940 was instrumental in reinforcing long-standing one-party system and has distinguished the political history of Mexico from that of other Latin American countries, in most of whom the military had remained a principal and dangerous player in the political game at least until a couple of decades ago. Unlike them, Mexico has never undergone any serious military threat since the last 1930s and firmly established civilian control of the military afterwards. Although it is true that his broad

근대건축물 정밀안전진단 사례

박구병(Park, Koo-Byoung),김동희(Kim, Dong-Hee),이석호(Lee, Seok-Ho),김민수(Kim, Min-Soo) 한국구조물진단유지관리학회 2011 한국구조물진단학회 학술발표회논문집 Vol.15 No.1

The purpose of this inspection and structural anlysis is to find the physical and functional flaw about modern Building, in addition to check structural safety of modern Building because of the effect surrounding construction sites.

멕시코 혁명기 ( 1910 -1920 ) 사빠따 운동 ( Zapatismo ) 의 성격

박구병(Koo Byoung Park) 한국서양사연구회 1994 서양사연구 Vol.16 No.-

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