한국어의 문장종결 어미 ‘-지’ : 인식양상 표지 vs. 상위표상 표지

노은주(Noh, Eun-Ju) 한국언어학회 2016 언어 Vol.41 No.2

Korean sentence-final suffixes have been divided into sentence-type markers and epistemic markers. We suggest another distinction between description (representation) and metarepresentation. The suffix -ci can be used in all sentence-type contexts, but their interpretations are interestingly different from the corresponding sentences with a sentence-type marker. It is generally admitted that they are interpreted as expressing the speaker’s belief in statements, as asking for confirmation in questions, and as making a suggestion in imperatives. Traditional accounts claim that -ci is an epistemic marker that expresses the speaker’s belief in the truthfulness of the proposition expressed, specifically, a suppositive marker or a committal marker. Based on the relevance-theoretic distinction between description and metarepresentation, we suggest that -ci is a metarepresentational marker of an existing mental representation of the speaker. This account can explain why it can be used for imperatives, unlike epistemic markers. It can also account for why it is not used with new information. Finally, it can deal with the suffix -ci used in long-form negation [-ci anhta] and -ci in wh-questions, and -ci in embedded clauses as the same suffix as the sentence-final suffix -ci. The distinction between description and metarepresentation can provide a more comprehensive analysis of the suffix -ci.

한국어 상위언어 부정과 기술적 부정의 의미성 차이에 대한 몇 가지 관찰

노은주 ( Eun Ju Noh ),주혜리 ( Hye Ree Choo ),고성룡 ( Sung Ryong Koh ) 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2013 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.60

This paper presents the results of several sensicality tests on metalinguistic negation(or MN) and descriptive negation(or DN) in Korean. The results showed that sensicalities of MNs were rated significantly lower than those of DNs in all three negative forms, such as the external copula-negation(‘...nun kesi ani’), the long-form negation(‘verb-ci an-h’) and the short-form negation(‘an verb’). The difference between MNs and DNs was the smallest in the external copula-negation, and the biggest in the short-form negation. On the other hand, when the context was provided, the sensicality difference between MNs and DNs was only marginally significant.

‘었’의 현재완료 상 의미와 단순과거 시제 의미의 관계

노은주(Noh, Eun-Ju) 담화·인지언어학회 2012 담화와 인지 Vol.19 No.2

Korean morpheme ess has been analysed as a past tense marker, a perfect aspect marker, both, or neither. Although all of them agree that it is used to convey both the past event and its present result state aspect, they have different accounts of which is the meaning of the morpheme and which is the implication of it. In this paper, we attempt to explore the meaning relations between the past event and the present result state conveyed by ess, replying to Yeom (2010a), along with his other works (2010b, 2012). He argues that ess is ambiguous between past tense and present perfect and thus one cannot be derived from the other. He continues that the present result state presupposes the past event and the past event entails the present result state. We examine his claims closely and conclude that they are not correct. Rather the present result state entails the past event and the past event R-implicates the present result state. In this paper, we only clarify their meaning relations, without explicitly supporting any of the existing theories of the meaning of ess, but these clarifications may shed light on the meaning of the morpheme ess.

Echo Questions Are Not Interrogatives?

Eun-Iu Noh(노은주) 담화·인지언어학회 2005 담화와 인지 Vol.12 No.1

Noh (1998) proposes a metarepresentational account of echo questions. Since then, there have been a few responses to the proposal, especially to the analysis of EQs as interrogatives. Among others is Iwata's (2003) alternative metarepresentational account most substantial. After showing how to account for EQs, I review his proposal more closely, and discuss the problems to be resolved or clarified. I also point out that the properties that Iwata claims to show that EQs are not interrogatives are mostly due to the nature of metarepresentation. If we admit that metarepresentational elements undergo pragmatic enrichment and contribute to the proposition expressed, there will be no problem in understanding that EQs are interrogatives.

상위언어 부정의 ERP 실험 연구

노은주(Noh, Eun-Ju) 담화·인지언어학회 2016 담화와 인지 Vol.23 No.1

Since Horn (1985) drew attention to metalinguistic negation, there have been many studies on the difference in meaning between descriptive and metalinguistic negation. Most of the studies concentrate on whether their meanings are semantically ambiguous or not. Recently some experiments have been done to seek for a more scientific answer to the question. In this paper, we examine Chungmin Lee (2015) “Metalinguistically negated versus descriptively negated adverbials: ERP and other evidence.” Lee claims that his experiments support Horn’s account of metalinguistic negation as pragmatic ambiguity rather than the relevance-theoretic approach. As the first ERP study of metalinguistic negation, as far as we know, his study is very meaningful and valuable. However, the procedures and analyses of his experiments have many problems so that their results are not convincing. Their N400 effects show that Korean short-form negation is not used with the adverbs like ‘yekan’ or ‘pothong,’ but they do not exclusively support Horn’s pragmatic ambiguity. Finally, his criticisms against the relevance-theoretic account, specifically, of Noh, Choo and Koh"s (2013), are based on misunderstanding or careless reading of the paper.

헤지 발화문의 의미

노은주(Noh, Eun-Ju) 담화·인지언어학회 2014 담화와 인지 Vol.21 No.3

This paper deals with the meanings of hedged utterances. Lakoff (1973) draws attention to the hedges such as ‘sort of,’ ‘technically,’ and ‘loosely speaking,’ and Fraser (1975) introduces other hedges such as ‘I can,’ ‘I must,’ and ‘I want.’ These two kinds of hedge have been distinguished in the literature: the former contributes to the propositional meaning of a sentence and the latter involves the illocutionary force of a performative sentence. In this paper, we suggest a unified account of these hedges. Hedging is a pragmatic phenomenon by which the speaker expresses a hedge to a proposition expressed explicitly and communicates the proposition implicitly. Hedged utterances express a proposition to which the hedge contributes conceptually and implicate the proposition minus the hedge. Since it is an implicature, the speaker has the option to cancel it whenever she needs to. That option makes the speaker choose a hedged utterance, which takes additional processing effort from the speaker and the hearer.

한국어 전달문의 혼합유형에 관한 몇 가지 관찰 - 자유간접화법과 내포직접화법을 중심으로

노은주(Noh, Eun-Ju) 담화·인지언어학회 2021 담화와 인지 Vol.28 No.2

Reported speech has been divided into direct and indirect speech. In direct speech, the deictic center and the sentence type of the original utterance are maintained, while in indirect speech, the deictic center shifts to the perspective of the reporter and the sentence is embedded by a verb-of-saying clause. On the other hand, there are mixed types: in one, the deictic center shifts to the reporter but the sentence is not embedded (free indirect speech), and in the other, the deictic center is maintained while the sentence is embedded by a verb-of-saying clause (which I call embedded direct speech). Although both types have some direct and indirect characteristics, embedded direct speech is more widely used than free indirect speech. I suggest that in Korean, attributive metarepresentations (that is, others’ thought or utterance such as reported speech) tend to be marked by sentence-final suffixes. Free indirect speech does not have such a marker even though it reports others’ thought or utterance. That is why free indirect speech is not widely used in Korean.

열차 화장실 악취농도에 관한 연구

노은주(Eun Ju Noh),황종빈(Jong Bin Hwang),길기범(Gi Beom Kil),이은주(Eun Joo Lee),박상진(Sang Jin Park) 한국철도학회 2013 한국철도학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.2013 No.11

열차화장실에서 발생하는 악취저감을 위한 기초연구로서, 무궁화호 내 67개소의 화장실을 대상으로 악취강도를 조사하였으며, 6회에 걸쳐 열차화장실 악취시료를 채취하여 복합악취농도를 조사하였다. 복합악취농도는 악취공정시험법에 제시되어 있는 공기희석관능법을 이용하여 측정하였으며, 악취강도는 직접관능법을 이용하여 조사하였다. 조사결과, 복합악취농도는 희석배수 6에서 30의 범위로 나타났으며 평균 복합악취농도는 17 정도인 것으로 나타났다. 악취강도는 67개의 화장실을 조사한 결과 0도에서 3.3도였으며, 이 가운데 16개소에서는 악취강도가 2.5도 이상으로 높게 나타나 악취저감이 필요한 것으로 조사되었다. This study was carried out to estimate odor emitted from toilets in the Mugunghaw train. Two parameters which are odor intensity and odor concentration are used for odor estimation. Direct olfactory method to observe odor intensity for 67 toilets and air dilution olfactory method to estimate odor concentration for 6 samples were performed. As the results, odor concentration of toilets in trains ranged from 6 OU/m³ to 30 OU/m³, and odor intensity of 67 toilets were varied from 0 degree to 3.3 degree. The results suggest that the odor emitted from the existing toilets should be controlled because odor intensity of 16 toilets exceeded the level of complaint due to odor.

한국어의 PA/SN 구분에 관한 재고

노은주 ( Eun Ju Noh ) 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2009 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.45

The concessive but and the correction but are translated as different adversative conjunctions in some languages such as German, Spanish, and Korean, which are called the PA- and the SN-type adversative conjunctions. In this paper, I review the accounts of the Korean PA and SN conjunctions, concentrating on their sensitivity to implicatures. I argue against their claims that Q-implicatures are asserted in the PA conjunction and denied in the SN conjunction and also against their assumption that what is denied in the SN conjunction is the implicature of the first conjunct of the conjunction. I claim that in the PA/SN conjunctions, different types of implicature are denied, and that what is denied in the SN is not something of the first conjunct, but the positive part of it, most likely, an utterance or assumption in the context. Finally, I suggest that the Korean SN-type discourse marker is ani. I demonstrate that ani can be used in discourse in the same way as the SN adversative verbal suffix -anila in a sentence.

한국어의 무표형과 ‘들’-복수형의 의미

노은주(Noh Eunju) 담화·인지언어학회 2008 담화와 인지 Vol.15 No.1

This paper examines the existing accounts of Korean ?-marked and 'tul‘-marked nouns. Korean nouns (or noun phrases) with and without the plural marker 'tul' have been analysed as plurals and claimed to mean sum and group interpretations, respectively. We claim that ?-marked nouns are singular and ?-marked noun phrases, without a plural marker or a quantifier indicating plurality, are used to refer to a single reference (referential use) or to mean a thing that is attributed to by the noun phrase (attributive use). In addition, through corpus analysis, we show that ?-marked bare noun phrases are not used with 'moita (’gather‘)' as often as has been claimed. We also show that 'tul' has been used increasingly, specially for number agreement. Finally, a numeral and 'tul' are seldom used together. Since numerals have more information than the plural marker, using 'tul' along with a numeral takes more processing effort without additional cognitive effects.