미국의 법률사무소 법학교육 프로그램 등의 실태에 관한 연구

노동일 경희대학교 법학연구소 2013 경희법학 Vol.48 No.4

Opening of law schools in 2009 was a turning stone of legal education in Korea, from “result-oriented” exam method to “process-oriented” education method in training of legal professions. Under the new law school system, you will have to graduate from one of the law schools to sit for the New Bar Exam after 2017. However, many attorneys have constantly challenged the new system, especially law school graduation requirement for admission to the bar. They argue that socially and/or economically disadvantaged students will never have chances to become attorneys considering the expensive law school tuitions. They propose that a preliminary exam should be adopted as a qualification, in lieu of the law school diploma, to sit for the New Bar Exam. One of the arguments is that several states in the U.S. have had such preliminary exam(s) for the disadvantaged students who can not afford law school. This article has examined whether such an assertion is well-founded. The typical way to satisfy the educational requirements to sit for bar exam in the U.S. is graduation from a law school accredited by ABA. However, even in the U.S., legal education in graduate level law schools is a relatively new phenomenon. Apprenticeships in a law office under an established attorney in many years were well-established methods of legal education. In the course of establishing law schools as a primary means for legal education, apprenticeships have been regarded obsolete and the number of the states which allow them to be a formal legal education has decreased. Several states, however, still retain that legal education requirements can be met through apprenticeships. They are called Law Office (Judges’ Chamber) Study Program (California), Law Clerk Program (Washington), or Law Reader Program(Virginia), etc. It shows that the non-law school legal education is a historic hold-over from the past, rather than a system to ensure equal opportunity for the disadvantaged. Moreover you have to finish extensive curricular specified by the Bar Association of that state in 3-4 years. It is contrary to the notion that you can have your own schedules to take the preliminary exam and bar exam, respectively. Proponents of the preliminary exam in Korea maintain that California has such a system to ensure equal opportunity. On the contrary, the study showed that California’s First Year Law Students Exam (FYLSX), commonly known as baby bar, was originally devised to prevent the abuse of many unaccredited law schools in California and to prevent unqualified students from wasting more time and money to further pursue Law Office Study Program or education in the unaccredited law schools. Therefore, based on the findings, the author concludes that the arguments made by the proponents of preliminary exam in Korea that the U.S. has preliminary exam to ensure equal opportunity for the disadvantaged, are unfounded and misleading. 2009년 국내 법학전문대학원의 개원은 기존의 ‘결과지향적 사고’를 탈피하여 교육과정이 필요하다는 ‘과정지향적 교육과정’을 시행하게 된 전환점이 되었다. 새로운 법전원 교육과정은 2017년 이후 폐지되는 사법시험 이후 변호사가 되기 위해 필히 마쳐야 한다. 즉, 법전원에 입학한 후 새로운 교육체계상의 졸업 요건을 이수하여야 한다. 그러나 법전원 반대론자들은 사회적‧경제적 약자에게 등록금 부담이 크다는 이유로 법전원의 체계가 형평성에 어긋난다고 주장하고 있다. 그리고 변호사시험 전 단계로서 예비시험을 도입할 것을 제안하고 있다. 이러한 예비시험을 도입하기 위하여 미국 일부 주 로스쿨에서 경제적으로 어려운 학생들을 위한 예비시험을 시행하고 있다는 것을 예로 든다. 본 논문에서는 과연 예비시험 도입이 필요한지 분석하고자 한다. 미국 변호사가 되기 위해서는 미국 변호사협회에서 인정한 로스쿨 교육과정을 이수하고 변호사시험을 통과해야 한다. 미국 로스쿨 수준의 법학 교육은 비교적 자연스러운 현상이며 미국 로펌에서 하는 변호사 실무 수습교육은 몇 년 동안 법학교육의 방법이 잘 설정된 것을 보여주고 있다. 미국 일부 주에서 변호사시험 자격으로서 로스쿨 제도와 병용되는 도제식 수습교육 등이 폐지되었고 형식적인 법학 교육을 하는 로스쿨 숫자가 감소하고 있다. 그러나 미국 일부 주는 아직 법학교육 요구 사항을 로펌 실습을 하는 것으로 유지하고 있다. 변호사 실무교육 참가자들은 법률사무소 교육프로그램, 판사실 교육프로그램 또는 법 읽기 프로그램, 로클럭 프로그램 등에 참여하고 있다. 이는 비인가 로스쿨의 법학 교육은 경제적으로 어려운 사람을 위한 기회 균등을 보장하기 위한 교육체계이지만 미국 주 변호사 협회는 3년 혹은 4년 동안의 많은 교과과정을 마쳐야 하는 것을 요건으로 하고 있다. 한국에서 예비시험 찬성론자들은 현행 변호사시험에 반한다고 하겠지만 미국 캘리포니아 주가 평등한 기회를 보장하고 있는 것을 예로 든다. 반대로 ‘베이비 바’로 알려진 캘리포니아 주 예비시험(FYLSX)은 원래 캘리포니아의 많은 미인가 로스쿨들에 대한 형평성을 유지하고 학생들의 시간과 비용 낭비를 방지하기 위하여 고안되었던 것이다. 본 논문은 예비시험 도입 여부를 논의하는 과정에서 미국의 제도에 관한 오해를 불식하고 올바른 이해의 바탕 위에서 합리적인 토론이 이루어지는 데 기여하고자 한다.

大邱地域社會에 있어서 地方自治의 成功的 定着 및 發展方案에 關한 硏究

盧東一 경북대학교 평화문제연구소 1991 평화연구 Vol.16 No.-

Khrushchev의 理論 및 그 批判

盧東一 경북대학교 평화문제연구소 1981 평화연구 Vol.7 No.-

韓國 政治發展의 制約要因 分析 : 經濟原因論의 適實性檢討

盧東一 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1987 社會科學硏究 Vol.3 No.-

Many political scientists argue that one of most important causes that irstrain the political development in developing countries is the eocnomic situations in those countres. In this paper, I tried to test the argument in the context of political and economic experiences in Korean society. The result of this paper shows that the argument has no relevance in the context of korean experiences.

政治學方法의 體系的 分析 : 政治學의 本質認識을 中心으로 From the Perspective of the Orientation in Political Science

盧東一 慶北大學校 1982 論文集 Vol.33 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to analyze systematically the various kinds of methods which have been used in political science from the time of ancient Greece to the present. Methods in general are directly linked with the perception of it's ends itself, because it just implies the means achieving a certain given end. In the case of the methods of political science political science itself may be the end of it, because political science methods also implie the means for doing political science. Therefore how to perceive political science itself, namely the end of political science methods, is very important factor in systematic analysis of political science methods. In this regard, this paper analyzed the methods of political science from the perspective of the epistemological orientations in political science. The various kinds of methods of political science can be classified as the following four types: normative, instrumental, scientific, and analytic. As mentioned above these four types of methods are directly linked with the epistemological orientations in political science. A general and well-known distinction of the epistemological orientations in political science is among the traditionalism, behavioralism and post-behavioralism. There is a rough chronological order about them: phase 1: The traditional period, to 1945, phase 2: The behavioral period, 1945-1969, phase 3: The post-behavioral period, 1969-to the present. But more important to us is the fact that they are still in evidence today. Traditionalism perceives political science as philosophy of politics, therefore it uses mainly normative, instrumental, and analytical methods. It cannot be emphasized too strongly that traditionalism is a collection of perceptions lumped together today mainly because of a common enemy, behavioralism. Behavioralism, in contrast to traditionalism, perceives political science as science of politics, therefore it employs mainly scientific method. Post-behavioralism attempts to synthesize both behavioralism and traditionalism, so it recognizes equally the importance of the four types of the methods. Nowdays the orientation of post-behavioralism is widely acknowledged as an promizing alternative orientation. But the problem is that untill now no concrete political method to incarnate post-behavioral orientations is presented. Therefore, we must concentrate our effort on devicing a concrete political method to synthesize both philosophy of politics and science of politics.

6. 지역개관과 엘리뜨 구조 : 경북지역

盧東一 서울대학교 사회과학연구소 1984 社會科學과政策硏究 Vol.6 No.4

가짜뉴스의 합리적 규제에 관한 고찰

노동일,정완 경희대학교 법학연구소 2018 경희법학 Vol.53 No.4

거짓이거나 잘못된 정보를 유통시켜 국민들에게 혼란을 초래함으로써 민주주의를 위기에 처하게 만들 수 있는 이른바 ‘가짜뉴스’는 당연히 규제의 필요성을 부인할 수 없다. 그러나 가짜뉴스는 그 개념이 모호하여 규제대상이 지나치게 넓어진다는 것이 문제될 수 있으므로 가짜뉴스라는 포괄적 개념으로 규정하기보다는 이를 유형화함으로써 규제대상을 명확히 해야 한다. 아울러 가짜뉴스의 개념과 규제범위를 확정하더라도 가짜 혹은 허위라는 것을 누가 어떻게 판단할 수 있는가가 문제된다. 정부가 가짜뉴스 판별에 나설 경우 권력층이나 집권자에 의해 오용 또는 남용됨으로써 정치사회적으로 민주주의에 큰 해를 부를 수 있다. 정교하고 세련된 외양을 갖춘 가짜뉴스의 경우는 더욱 판별하기 어려울 것이다. 가짜뉴스에 관한 한국과 미국에서의 논의는 새로운 가짜뉴스 규제방안을 강구하기보다는 정부와 뉴스생산자, 뉴스이용자, 뉴스매개자 등 모두가 함께 노력해야 한다는 것으로 귀결되고 있다. 본문에서 전개된 논의의 결론은 첫째, 전통적 뉴스생산자들은 정밀한 팩트체킹을 통해 생산된 뉴스를 통해 뉴스의 신뢰도를 높여야 하고, 둘째 뉴스이용자들은 가짜뉴스를 골라낼 수 있는 안목과 미디어 리터러시를 향상시켜야 하며, 셋째 뉴스매개자들은 비록 완벽하지 않더라도 가짜뉴스를 걸러내는 장치를 마련하거나 신고된 가짜뉴스를 신속히 차단할 수 있는 기술적 방법을 고안해야 한다는 것 등이다. 가짜뉴스에 대한 해결방안으로 미디어 리터러시를 위한 이용자 교육을 보다 중시할 필요가 있다. 현재 미디어 환경에서 이용자들은 뉴스 제작자이자 소비자이고 참여자이므로 제작자나 소비자 양자의 입장에서 모두 기사와 광고의 구분, 사실과 의견의 구분, 유머와 뉴스의 구분 등에 대해 이해할 필요가 있다. 나아가, 가짜뉴스에서 허용되는 범위와 제한되는 범위를 이용자에게 알기 쉽게 교육하거나 정보를 제공하는 것도 선행되어야 한다. 결과적으로 가짜뉴스에 대한 해결책은 한두 가지 새로운 법률이나 공권력이 동원하는 규제책 등 정부의 개입에서 찾을 수는 없다. 새로운 현상에 대한 대응책은 시간이 걸릴 수밖에 없고, 또 시간이 걸리더라도 다양한 주체들의 적극적인 노력을 통해서만 문제의 해결책을 찾을 수 있을 것이다. So-called ‘fake news’ has a need for regulation in that it can confuse the voter by distributing false or false information, ultimately putting democracy itself at risk. However, the so-called ‘fake news’ may be a problem because the concept itself is ambiguous, as discussed above, and the objects that need to be regulated are too broad. Therefore, rather than trying to define the object of regulation as a comprehensive concept of fake news, it is necessary to clarify the object of regulation by tying it. Even if we define the concept or regulatory scope of so-called ‘fake news’, it is also a question of how and who can judge ‘fake’ or ‘false’. If the government makes false news, misuse or abuse by the power or the ruling party can cause greater harm to democracy politically and socially. It would be harder to discern fake news that has more sophisticated and sophisticated appearance than an absurd fake. It is also a problem to use technical methods such as algorithms or big data to block them. In the algorithm generation stage, there may be a prejudice based on the influence of external power or the judgment of the enterprise itself, and above all, there is a possibility that the corporation takes the role of the inspector acting on behalf of the government. In the end, it seems that the discussions of the US and Korea are gathering the efforts of the government, news producers, news users, and news brokers together rather than trying to regulate new ‘fake news’. The conclusions of the active discussions in the United States are as shown above, and the conclusions of some of the following discussions are also similar. “Traditional news producers need to increase news credibility through news produced through precise fact checking, and news users need to improve their perspective and media literacy to pick up fake news. The news brokers should also devise a technological way to get rid of fake news or to quickly block reported fake news, even though it may not be perfect. As a solution to fake news, user education for media literacy needs to be more important. In the current media environment, users are news producers, consumers, and participants. Therefore, both the producers and the consumers need to understand the distinction between articles and advertisements, the distinction between facts and comments, and the distinction between humor satire and news. It should be preceded by educating or providing information to the user in an easily understandable and limited range of fake news. So the solution to so-called “fake news” can not be found in government interventions, such as one of two new laws or regulations that mobilize public power. The response to the new phenomenon is time consuming, and it takes time to find solutions to this problem only through the active efforts of various actors. Only the active participation and discussion of government, news producers, news brokers, and news consumers can find the best means of cleansing the democratic public sphere, and the process of finding such solutions is appropriate for democracy.

Compatibility of Diazepam with Polypropylene Multilayer Infusion Container

노동일,박규남,박종원,장주웅,안윤경,전흥재 한국고분자학회 2009 Macromolecular Research Vol.17 No.7

Techflex®, a polypropylene-lined, multilayer infusion bag, was studied for its compatibility with diazepam, in comparison to the conventional infusion bag, Safeflex®, which is comprised of poly(vinyl chloride) (PVC). Diazepam was diluted in 0.9% sodium chloride isotonic solution and stored in the infusion bags for 24 h. To evaluate the sorption of diazepam into the infusion bags during storage, the concentration of the drug remaining in the bag was measured using gas chromatography-mass spectroscopy. The PVC bags exhibited a marked sorption of diazepam, with a drug loss reaching up to 90% of the initial concentration after 24 h of contact, whereas Techflex® inhibited the drug sorption, showing approximately 10%, under the same conditions. The differences in the sorption behaviors of the bags are discussed in terms of solubility parameters and crystallinities of the polymers.

大邱·尙州 地域社會의 Elite 構造 및 그 特徵

盧東一 慶北大學校 東洋文化硏究所 1984 東洋文化硏究 Vol.11 No.-

In this paper, I tried to find out the elite structure and its major characteristics of two Korean communities: Taegu and Sangju. This paper deals with three subjects: identification of elites, ranking among elites, and relationship among elites. The major findings of the paper are as below. (1) Common characteristics of Taegu and Sangju: 1) Important problems concerned with community as a whole are determined by a group of administrative elites, Council for Community Countermeasure. Committees composed of civilians, e.g., Consultation Committees for Municipal Policy has no real influences over public affairs. 2) Administrative elites seek for civilian cooperations for effective administration mainly in the field of economy. The level of the participation of the academic and journalistic fields is very low. 3) Elites often meet each other through the public and private meetings. These meetings gave elites precious opportunities to cooperate with each other and to strengthen their common interests. (2) Different characteristics: 1) There was difference between Sangju and Taegu in ther level of elite differentiation. In Sangju, some elites could be classfied as both economic and social elite. This makes the classification of elites in Sangju somewhat difficult. But there is no such difficulties in Taegu. 2) In Sangju, the relative prominance level of economic elite in comparison with those of institutional or social elite is lower than that of Taegu. But the prominance level of each of the three fields is almost equal to each other in the case of Taegu. Taking into consideration all of the above findings, we can safely suggest a generalization that, regardless of community's socio-economic developmental level, Korean communities have the same elites structure in which a group of administrative elites has the dominant power in dealing with the problems of community as a whole. Under the present elite structure of Korean communities, it is very difficult for civilian sectors to participate positively in dealing with the important problems of their communities, therefore this elite structure can not effectively secure the support for developmental administration and can not effectively meet the growing demands of participation from the mass in general. One of the best ways to overcome these handicaps is to introduce local self-government system in accordance with the developmental level of each community.

남한과 4자회담

노동일 釜山外國語大學 國際問題硏究所 1998 國際問題論叢 Vol.10 No.-