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남창희 한국광학회 1992 한국광학회지 Vol.3 No.1
Since the inception of the idea to develop an X-ray laser in 1960's, a rapid progress to demonstrate soft X-ray lasers in the wavelength region below 300$\AA$ has been made during the last ten years. Among many prospective proposals, the recombination scheme and the collisional exitation scheme have been most successful in achieving a significant gain. An appreciable single-pass amplification was achieved at 182 $\AA$ from CVI ions using the recombination scheme and at 206 and 290$\AA$ from the Se XXV ions using the collisional excitation scheme. The current research on X-ray lasers emphasizes the enhancement of amplification upto saturation and the extension of operating wavelength to shorter wavelengths, especially to the water window region between 23 and 44 $\AA$. X-ray lasers are expected to open many application fields, such as X-ray laser microscopy, X-ray holography, X-ray lithography, and more, in the near future. 7년전 두 개의 그룹에 의해 강한 증폭된 자발 방출이 200.angs. 영역에서 관찰된 이래, 증폭도의 증가와 작동 파장영역의 확장등에서 세계적으로 많은 X-선 레이저 연구가 이루어져 왔다. X-선 레이저의 개발은 살아있는 생체조직을 고분해능으로 관찰할 수 있는 X-선 현미경 기술, 세포의 3차원 상을 가능케 하는 X-선 홀로그래피 기술, 고밀도 플라즈마의 진단 등의 여러 분야에 응용될 것이다. 국내에서도 기초적인 X-선 레이저 개발에 대한 연구가 과학기술원과 포항공과대학에서 시작되고 있어 곧 고무적인 연구결과가 나올 것으로 기대된다.
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일본과 한국의 방위비분담 정책체계의 연구 : 현지 고용원 인건비 지원사례를 중심으로
남창희 국제지역학회 2002 국제지역연구 Vol.6 No.2
Comparing the policy systems of cost-sharing for the US Forces provided by Japan and Korea, its background and the way the U.S. Congress put pressure were basically identical. Japan and Korea are the rare U.S. allies that have provided cost-sharing even by amending the SOFA with the Special Agreements. The attitude and the way the two governments implement the peacetime host nation support however differed significantly. The Korean government maintained a passive posture in an effort to avoid additional cost-sharing, which could not be sustained due to America's threat of withdrawal of its forces from Korea. Japan, in an expectation that the pro-active cost-sharing would enhance its standing as a major U.S. alliance partner, strategically assumed virtually all of the yen-based costs. In negotiation, Korea insisted on setting the total amount of cost-sharing in order to avoid following the Japanese model of incrementally adding items of cost-sharing which had ended up bearing all of the locally generated costs of the US Forces.
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Korea-Japan Academic Cooperation Disputing the Chinese History Expansionism
남창희,송옥진 사단법인 인문사회과학기술융합학회 2017 예술인문사회융합멀티미디어논문지 Vol.7 No.3
Along with its rise as an economic giant, China has rattled the international community of its Asian neighbors with its unprecedented maritime assertiveness over Senkaku/Diaoyudao and the disputed islands in the South China Sea. Chinese government-funded researchers all of sudden started to claim that the ancient Korean kingdoms, Goguryeo and Balhae, belonged to China. The Chinese unwelcome claim that ancient Korea was a part of Chinese Empires are often based on arguments politically-driven and fabricated from Japan’s colonial assimilation education process in the occupied Korea since 1920s. This co-work explores a possibility whether Koreans and Japanese can open new window of academic cooperation regarding the Chinese ancient history distortion and territorial expansionism. The small step of good will rendered by Japan can snowball into self-amplifying resonance of mutual trust between Korea and Japan, working positively for settlement of the mounting territorial disputes among the concerned parties in the region.
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The Alliance Transformation and US-Japan-Korea Security Network: A Case for Trilateral Cooperation
남창희 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2010 Pacific Focus Vol.25 No.1
During the Cold War, the heavily armed U.S. forces in Korea (USFK) were deployed along the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), mainly to defend South Korea and maintain deterrence on the Peninsula. The U.S. forces in Japan on the other hand were charged with broader missions and roles, namely, for regional security. In accordance with goals of the alliance transformation, the U.S. forces are undertaking historic changes for reconfiguring their units to be ready for the rapid employment of globally networked forces. Should the two U.S. forces in Japan (USFJ) and Korea, respectively, be transformed into regionally mobile units in the years to come, the two alliances are likely to be pressured to assume increasingly similar roles and missions. This emerging requirement calls on the three allies to adopt a more integrated approach to best utilize their given resources. Among the many items of cooperation agreed upon between the United States and Japan are some areas to which Korea can make a meaningful contribution and benefit from its participation. Those items, however, vary in terms of feasibility, difficulty, sensitivity, and importance. They can be divided into three categories, identifying preconditions for moving on to a higher phase. The two neighbors and the United States are faced with growing regional security challenges in the age of spreading terrorism and proliferation. The changing regional environment demands restructuring of the alliance relations of the three, meaning that the trilateral security cooperation should be taken seriously again.
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남창희 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2008 국제관계연구 Vol.13 No.1
The realignment of USFJ, a part of the military transformation and the GPR initiated by former Secretary Rumsfeld, was put on the negotiation table for a series of heated bilateral consultation between Washington and Tokyo. Japan’s alliance management policies can best be understood by the entrapment-abandonment model and rational choice notion of the expectedutility theory. Washington wished to relocate the 1st Corp Command to Camp Zama in an attempt to have an alternative Army Command in the Far East, which would encourage further international security contribution of GSDF. JDA’s endorsement of the Zama plan overrode the MOFA’s reluctance stemming from a “ lack of legality” and the fear of entrapment. Collocation of Yokota AB with ASDF’s Air-defense Command aims at enhancing effective operatioal capability of the BMD system. Growing discontent toward the intrusive installations among Okinawans had Prime Minister Koizumi keep requesting Washington to address Okinawa’s base problem, which finally brought about the agreement on relocation of the marine command to Guam. The concurrent shouldering of a large construction cost to be spent on Guam is an outcome of Japan’s careful cost-effect calculation for its national security interests.
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