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      • KCI등재

        『三國遺事』의 史書로서의 特性

        남동신(Nam Dong-Shin) 불교학연구회 2007 불교학연구 Vol.16 No.-

        There has been a premise that had been suggested during the time of Choi Nam Seon/崔南善 and has been widely accepted since then, which considered『Samguk Yusa/三國遺事』written by priest Ilyeon/一然 as the only text that was left to the Korean people to show them the original forms(原形) of the ancient Korean culture. In this article, this grand premise is critically examined. So, this author attempted to reevaluate the value and true nature of『Samguk Yusa』from the viewpoint of the late 13th century(the time period when the text was born) and not from a viewpoint that would have been engineered in later periods. Result of such reevaluation shows two distinct characteristics of 『Samguk Yusa』 as an historical text. First, as we can see from the title, the text shows the characteristic of being the documentation of ‘Left facts(遺事)’. In 『Samguk Yusa』, things that were left out of the historical texts which had dealt with the Three-dynasties period and the Unified Shilla dynasty period were mainly collected and examined. And it seems that such collection of the "left-out" facts continued in three directions. First, things that were not dealt with or included in『Samguk Sagi/三國史記』written by Kim Bu Shik/金富軾, who was a Confucian scholar(儒者) and therefore designed the text as a King-based, royal affairs-based one and also concentrated upon the history of political affairs, were collected. Second, things that were not dealt with or included in『Haedong Goseung-jeon/海東高僧傳』 written by Gakhun/覺訓, who was a Gyojong/敎宗-school Buddhist priest and designed the text around Buddhist priests" biologies, were collected. And third, things that were not included in his(一然) own texts about the history of Seon school(禪宗史) must have been collected as well. As we can see, historical texts that dealt with the ancient history and culture of Korea existed in at least three of these areas at this point, so it can be said that the publication of 『Samguk Yusa』was intended to supplement these existing texts. Because『Samguk Yusa』was a collection of ‘left facts[遺事]’, it covered the historical facts of the Korean history that were not included in previous historical texts, and as a result came to reflect the society of the Goryeo dynasty up until the latter half period of the 13th century. As we can see from the title originally it must have been meant to deal with the left out things in the history of the Three dynasties, yet the facts that are discussed in this text are from the 4th century through the ending days of the 13th century. This means that between the date of publication of 『Samguk Yus a』 and the days of the Three dynasties and the Unified Shilla, there was a time gap bigger than 250 years and smaller than 900. This kind of time gap would surely have had influence upon the people"s viewing of the "original forms of the ancient culture". So, it is clear that texts which were written during the Goryeo dynasty period cannot be considered as texts containing the "original forms of the ancient culture", and they should be interpreted instead as reflections of the Goryeo people"s view upon the ancient culture. This is what this author wish to label as the second characteristic of『Samguk Yusa』.

      • KCI등재후보

        고려 전기 금석문과 法相宗

        남동신(Nam, Dong Sin) 한국불교연구원 2009 불교연구 Vol.30 No.-

        본고는 고려 전기에 2,30년의 간격을 두고 찬술된 법상종 관련 비문 8점을 비교 분석한 것이다. 그 결과 앞으로 고려 전기 법상종을 연구하는 데서 해결해야 할 몇 가지 과제를 제기할 수 있었다. 첫째는 법상종 교단의 구성 문제이다. 경주 중심의 太賢系 교학 전통과 지방의 眞表系 실천 수행 전통이 나말여초에 합쳐져서 고려 전기 법상종단을 형성하였다는 견해가 근래 통용되고 있지만, 진표계의 존재를 위의 고려 전기의 법상종 계통 금석문 자료에서는 전혀 확인할 수 없다. 따라서 앞으로는 법상종과 합류하기 이전과 이후를 나누어서 진표계 점찰법의 특징과 그 변화를 단계별로 이해할 필요가 있다. 둘째는 법상종의 법통설 문제이다. 무엇보다도 금산사비에서는 基(632~682)가 강조되고 있다. 이와 관련하여 본고에서는 현재 학계에서 관행적으로 사용하는 ‘窺基’라는 호칭이 부정적 의미를 띤다는 점을 지적하고, 앞으로는 ‘基’라고 부를 것을 제안하였다. 또한 금산사비에서 뚜렷하게 드러나듯이, 중국적 전통(玄奘과 基)과 신라적 전통(海東六祖)을 내세우고 있는바, 지금까지는 해동육조에 元曉가 으레 포함된다고 이해하여 왔다. 그런데 금산사비(법상종)만이 아니라, 같은 시기의 靈通寺碑(화엄종)와 僊鳳寺碑(천태종)에서도 원효를 종조로 추앙하였다. 공교롭게도 이들 세 비에 보이는 원효 중시의 불교사인식은 義天의 원효 인식을 일정하게 반영한다. 원효 중시가 고려 중기 전체 불교교단의 공통된 인식이었는지, 아니면 의천의 불교사 인식이 일시적으로 반영된 것인지는 추후의 연구 과제로 남겨 두고자 한다. 셋째, 금석문에서 고려 전기 법상종의 소의 경전 가운데 가장 빈번하게 등장하는 경전이 『金光明經』이다. 기왕에는 금광명경을 호국경전으로 간주하였기 때문에, 금광명경을 중시하는 고려 법상종 역시 호국불교적 성격이 있다고 이해하여왔다. 그런데 본고에서 새로 밝혔듯이, 금광명경은 자비행의 소의경전으로도 법상종 승려들에 의하여 중시되었다. 이와 관련하여 고려 전기 󰡔金光明經󰡕의 유통과 그 내용에 대한 구체적인 검토가 있어야 할 것이다. In this article, 8 pieces of inscription, which have been created over the course of 20 to 30 years, in the early half period of the Goryeo dynasty, are compared to each other and analyzed in details. As a result, several issues, which would have to be addressed and resolved in future studies, in terms clarifying some things regarding the history of Beobsang-jong in the early Goryeo period, suggested themselves. First, there is the issue of the composition of the Beobsang-jong order. It is usually believed that the scripture studies tradition of the Taehyeon line(‘太賢系’) members of the Gyeongju area, and the tradition of character building exercises of the Jinpyo line(‘眞表系’) members in the local regions, were ‘merged’ to form the Beobsang-jong order, during the transitional period between Shilla and Goryeo. Yet the existence or presence of the Jinpyo line is nowhere to be found from the epigraphic materials mentioned above, which were all affiliated with the Beobsang-jong order in the early Goryeo period. So in the future, the characteristics of the Jinpyo-line’s ‘Jeomchalbeob’ technique should be examined not as a whole but ‘separately’ in multiple periods, such as ‘before’ its joining with the Beobsang-jong order, and ‘after’ of such joining. Second, there is the issue of the ‘theory of legitimacy’ that would have been shared inside the Beobsang-jong order. Most of all figures, ‘JI’(基: 632~682) is emphasized in the Geumsan-sa temple monument’s inscription. In this article, the problem that the term ‘Gyugi/窺基’(which is currently used by scholars) seems to bear a somewhat negative nuance and meaning, is pointed out, and at the same time a suggestion is made to refer to it as simply ‘Ji/基’ in the future. Also, as we can see clearly from the Geumsan-sa inscription,the Chinese tradition(from Hyeon- jang /玄奘 and Ji/基) and the Shilla tradition (from the Six ancestral figures of the East side of the sea: 海東六祖) are presented, and it was a general presumption that Weonhyo/元曉 was definitely counted in those ‘6 figures’. Yet not only in the Geumsan-sa inscription(from the Beobsang-jong order), but also in the inscriptions of the Yeongtong-sa temple’s monument(靈通寺碑: from the Hwa- eom-jong order) and the Cheonbong-sa temple’s monu- ment(僊鳳寺碑: from the Cheontae-jong order), we can see that Weonhyo was worshipped and honored as the ultimate founding ancestor(by all those orders in that particular point). So all three inscriptions were harboring the sentiment of the time that considered Weonhyo to be very important, and it also accidently reveals how Euicheon /義天 perceived Weonhwo. So, whether this kind of perception was shared by most of the members of the mid-Goryeo Buddhist society, or was a temporary reflection of the personal opinion of Euicheon, should be determined in the future. Third, the fact that the most frequently commented scripture in the Soeui scripture inscriptions of the Beob sang-jong order in the early Goryeo period is the 『Geum gwangmyeong-gyeong/金光明經』, should be noted. The scripture was previously believed as a scripture that contributed to state defense, and scholars naturally presumed that the Beobsang-jong of Goryeo, which considered this script very importantly, also shared a sentimentality considering the issue very critically. Yet, as newly revealed in this article, this Geumgwang myeong-gyeong scripture was also valued by the Beobsang-jong priests as a Soeui scripture for the ‘Jabi-haeng’ practice. So, the actual circulation process of this scripture in the early Goryeo period, and the exact contents of it, should be further explored in the future.

      • 컴퓨터활용교육 : 피코크리켓을 활용한 로봇 프로그래밍 교육이 학습동기 증진에 미치는 영향

        남동수 ( Dong Soo Nam ),이태욱 ( Tae Wuk Lee ) 한국컴퓨터교육학회 2011 한국컴퓨터교육학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.15 No.1

        본 연구는 프로그래밍 학습에서 교육용 로봇인 피코크리켓을 활용하여 로봇프로그래밍 교육을 실시하고 로봇프로그래밍 교육이 학습동기 증진에 미치는 영향에 대해서 효과를 검증하는 실험연구이다. 프로그래밍 학습은 다양한 학습효과에도 불구하고 문법의 어려움과 학습내용의 어려움 때문에 그 효과를 제대로 발휘하지 못하고 있다. 그러나 교육용 로봇에서 사용하는 프로그래밍 언어는 입문 자를 배려한 프로그래밍 방법을 사용하여 학습자가 쉽게 다가갈 수 있는 요소가 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 교육용 로봇을 활용하여 프로그래밍 교육을 학습동기증진 전략을 반영하여 실시하고 이의 영향을 탐색해 보는 연구를 설계하였다.

      • KCI우수등재
      • KCI등재

        보일드 붕장어통조림의 제조 및 품질특성

        남동배(Dong-Bae NAM),박두현(Du-Hyun PARK),박진효(Jin-Hyo PARK),박준석(Jun-Seok PARK),이재동(Jae-Dong LEE),성태종(Tae-Jong SEOUNG),공청식(Cheong-Sik KONG),김정균(Jeong-Gyun KIM) 한국수산해양교육학회 2019 수산해양교육연구 Vol.31 No.2

        This study was carried out to investigate the quality characteristics of canned boiled conger eel Conger myriaster. The canned products of Sample-1 (Canned boiled conger eel in salt solution), Sample-2 (Canned boiled conger eel in bamboo salt solution) and Sample-3 (Canned boiled conger eel in mixed salt solution of salt and bamboo salt) were made. Intestines of conger eel was removed and washed, and then 100 g of sample was put into cans (301-3). And seamed by using a vacuum seamer, and then sterilized for 40 min at 118℃ (Fo 8 min) in a steam system retort. Parameters such as: microbial growth, proximate composition, pH, volatile basic nitrogen (VBN), thiobarbituric acid (TBA) value, amino-N, salinity, color value (L, a, b), texture profile, total amino acid content, free amino acid content, mineral content, sensory evaluation of the product were measured in the three products. As a result of the sensory evaluation, the shape, color and texture of Sample-1 were similar to those of Sample-2 and Sample-3, while the overall acceptance of Sample-3 were estimated to be best.

      • KCI등재

        玄?의 印度 求法과 玄?像의 추이 - 西域記, 玄?傳, 慈恩傳의 비교 검토를 중심으로 : 玄?의 印度 求法과 玄?像의 추이

        남동신(Nam Dong-sin) 불교학연구회 2008 불교학연구 Vol.20 No.-

        In this article, I tried to make a comparative study of three sources which describe the pilgrimage of Xuanzang(602~664) to India. Specially, I checked the purpose of his pilgrimage and his three debates with the heretics. Hinayana and Sunya were described in three sources: (1)Datang xiyuji (The Records of the Western Regions in the Great Tang; dated 646; hereafter DXJ), (2)Xu gaosengzhuan(Biographies of Eminent Monks of Tang; hereafter XZZ-A and XZZ-B respective abbreviations for Xuanzangzhuan, ""Xuanzang"s biographies"" of 647 and 664~667), and (3) Datang daci"ensi sanzang fashizhuan(The Biography of the Great Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci"en Monastery; 688; hereafter DCZ). And then I interpreted the significance differences between the three sources according to the movement of Xuanzang"s party. The three sources definitely tended to highlight Maitreya, Yogacarabhumi and Xuanzang. As the three sources supported the belief, teachings and master of a specific school, it was a movement for ensuring their identity, which converged with the Fashang School recently. The research suggests that the Fashang School was not established by Xuanzang"s party without any trouble. On that account, I paid attention to complications between the branches of Xuanzang"s party: the Yogacarabhumi school(focused on Yogacarabhumi, translated in 648) and the Dharmalakshana-Vijnaptimatra school(concerned with Chengweishilun, translated in 659), the Ximing school (initiated by Woncheuk and followed mainly by Silla monks such as Dojeung) and the Ci"en school(initiated by Ji and succeeded by Huizhal and Zhizhou). In the midst of the split of Xuanzang"s party, the Yogacarabhumi school, which earlier joined Xuanzang s translation team and assumed critical attitudes toward Ji (632~682), who played a leading part in translating and researching Chengweishilun, wanted to ensure their idenification in the light of their former glorious days. The accounts in the three sources of Xuanzang"s life reflect the memory of the Yogacarabhumi School, especially the image of Xuanzang of DCZ, which was created as their ideal Buddhist pilgrim.

      • 포스터 : STEM 기반 교육용 로봇학습 프로그램 개발

        남동수 ( Dong Soo Nam ),이태욱 ( Tae Wuk Lee ) 한국컴퓨터교육학회 2011 한국컴퓨터교육학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.15 No.2

        본 논문에서는 ARCS 전략을 활용한 STEM 기반 로봇 프로그래밍 학습 프로그램의 개발을 하고자 한다. 프로그래밍 교육은 문제해결력을 향상시키고 추상적 사고를 강화할 수 있는 등 효과가 높은 학습도구이나 접근하기 힘든 어려움이 있다. 이를 초등학생이 접근하기 쉬운 수준의 로봇프로그래밍으로 접근하여 해결하였다. 또한 로봇프로그래밍의 학습을 위한 여러 가지 접근 방법중 로봇프로그래밍에 가장 적합한 STEM 통합교육 기반으로 학습 프로그램을 설계하였으며 효과를 극대화하기 위하여 ARCS 전략을 적용한 프로그램으로 개발하여 제시하였다. 향후 효과성 검증에 대한 연구가 지속될 예정이다.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        붕장어 기름담금통조림의 제조 및 품질특성

        남동배(Dong-Bae NAM),박두현(Du-Hyun PARK),박진효(Jin-Hyo PARK),신명철(Myeong-Cheol SHIN),김동환(Dong-Hwan KIM),박준석(Jun-Seok PARK),성태종(Tae-Jong SEOUNG),공청식(Cheong-Sik KONG),김정균(Jeong-Gyun KIM) 한국수산해양교육학회 2019 수산해양교육연구 Vol.31 No.3

        The quality characteristics of canned conger eel Conger myriaster were studied on the Sample-1 with cotton seed oil, Sample-2 with sunflower oil, and Sample-3 with olive oil. After removing all intestines of the conger eel including head, fins, and scales, and then washing, filling a 100 g of each Sample into cans (Can No. ; 301-3). It was seamed by using a vacuum seamer, and then sterilized at 118°C for 40 minutes using a steam system retort. Microbial growth, proximate composition, pH, volatile basic nitrogen (VBN), thiobarbituric acid (TBA) value, amino-N, salinity, color value (L, a, b), texture profile, total amino acid content, free amino acid content, mineral content and sensory evaluation were analyzed on the 3 kinds of canned products. The moisture content of Sample-1, Sample-2 and Sample-3 were ranged from 48.4 to 48.9 g/100 g, the crude protein content 13.7 to 14.1 g/100 g, the crude lipid content 33.8 to 34.3 g/100 g, the ash content 0.9 to 1.1 g/100 g. And the values of the other experimental items of sample-1, sample-2 and sample-3 also tend to be similar. There was little difference in the content between the samples. From the results of the sensory evaluation, the shape, color, texture and overall acceptance of Sample-1, Sample-2 and Sample-3 tend to be similar.

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