이항로의 심설과 서학(西學) -벽사록변(闢邪錄辨)ㆍ아언(雅言) 양화(洋禍)를 중심으로-

김현우 ( Kim Hyon-woo ) 한국철학사연구회 2018 한국 철학논집 Vol.0 No.59

이항로(李恒老)의 심설(心說)은 기정진(奇正鎭), 이진상(李震相), 전우(田愚) 등의 심설과 비견되는 중요한 학설이다. 본 연구에서는 이항로 심설이 형성되는 과정에서 서학(西學)의 영향을 고찰하였다. 서학은 17세기 초부터 유입되었으며, 18세기에는 사회 안정과 함께 유교지식인들의 연구대상이었다. 그러나 19세기로 들면서 동아시아 국제질서의 혼란과 더불어 서학 역시 배척되었다. 이항로에게 서학은 서세동점(西勢東漸)의 원인을 분석하는 도구였다. 그는 서학을 주로 기독교의 입장에서 보았다. 특히 기독교를 인간보다는 신을 중시하는 종교로 인식했다. 이와 대조적으로 유교 즉 성리학은 신이 아닌 인간의 도덕 주체성을 중시하는 사고체계로 이해했다. 이 과정에서 心은 인간의 주체성으로 확장되어 갔다. 하지만 이항로는 기존 유교 질서의 묵수를 강조하여 서학의 합리성을 도외시하였다. 즉, 서구문명을 주체적으로 수용하지도, 당대 세계질서에 적절하게 대응하지도 못하였다. 한편, 현재 우리는 4차 산업혁명이라는 새로운 문명의 시대로 들어가고 있다. 이에 이항로의 심설에서 서학과 관련한 부분은 이 새로운 문명을 주체적으로 수용하는데 중요한 방법적 시사점을 제공할 것이다. Lee Hang Ro's Mind-theory(心說) is an important theory comparable to it of Gi Jeong Jin, Lee Jin Sang and Jeon Woo. In this paper, I examined the influence of the Western-school(西學) in the process of formation of Lee’s theory. Since the Western-school had flowed in the beginning of the 17th century, in the 18th century it was subject to Confucian intellectuals along with social stability. However, listed in the 19th century, along with the turmoil of the East Asian international order, the Western-school was also rejected. The Western-school was a tool to analyze the cause of Western invasion(西勢 東漸) in him. Lee saw The Western-school from the standpoint of Christianity mainly. Especially Christianity was recognized as a religion that emphasizes God rather than humans. In contrast, Confucianism was understood as a thought system that emphasizes human moral subjectivity rather than God. In this process mind was expanded to the subjectivity of human. However, Lee only emphasized the traditional Confucianism order and ignored the rationality of the Western-school. He could not accommodate western civilization actively and properly respond to the world order in that time. On the other hand, we are now in the era of a new civilization called the Fourth Industrial Revolution. To this the remarks of Lee's Mind-theory will be an important suggestion point for organizing the new civilization actively.

대종교의 민족 정체성 인식

김현우 ( Kim Hyon-woo ) 조선대학교 인문학연구원 2017 인문학연구 Vol.0 No.54

4 Korea ethnic religions tried to overcome national crises with religionism in modern transition times. Daejonggyo, one of them, contributed to our modern nationalism to establish the myth of Dangun as religion. I studied on the modern standardization of traditional ethnic thoughts in process of Daejonggyo formation in this paper. La Cheol(羅喆), who is one of founders, criticised the colonialization by Japan in Tokyo, and tried to assassinate Five Eulsa Traitors after Japan-Korea Treaty. But feeling limit of minority intellects in 1909, he established Dajonggyo to lead all nation people to anti-Janpanese struggle. He left from traditional Confucianism and rebuilded the national god from Dangun(檀君) in the myth. In processing, Dangun was developed to the national spirit and expanded the national identity. Daejonggyo moved the base into Gando because of Japan`s suppression but had been fighting for Korea independence from Japan, like Battle of Bongodong and Battle of Cheongsanli, the since 1945. However, not needing struggle after 1940, Daejonggyo was rapidly intimidated unlike other ethnic religions. Because it had concentrated on overcome national crises for Japan ruling era but it directionality blurred after 1945. Nevertheless, the role of Daejonggyo was very important to establish modern national identity like the National foundation Day of Korea(開天節), The Ancient Joseon and Baedal nation(倍達民族).

박은식과 『학규신론』

김현우(Kim, Hyon-Woo) 인천대학교 인문학연구소 2015 인문학연구 Vol.24 No.-

New Theory on Educational Systems, one of initial works of Pak Eun Sik, was published in 1904. He had much interest in the educational system after he studied Confucianism in the group of Pak Mun Il(朴文一) and Pak Mun O(朴文五) in Pyeonan-do. The book is a kind of papers including his changes in educational system after his meeting Western academia in Seoul. It is composed of the prefaces of Yi Gi (李沂) and Kim Taek Yeong(金澤榮), 13 chapters and the postscript of Yi Yu Jeong(李裕靖), and was published with the support of Gato Masao[加藤增雄], the Japanese Councilor of Korean palace. The book says that ‘we must grow whole human nature up from childhood.’ This thought succeeds that of the Confucian of Mencius. Moreover, the author thought that western education was better than Korean traditional education, and argued that Koreans must accept the western educational system. With his opinion, Pak Eun Sik criticized bitterly the conservative Confucian and their anti-Western thoughts. However, the author also emphasizes the importance of traditional Confucianism. He thought that Confucianism was still important but its role was changed. He conformed Confucianism to educational values of Korean society. His effort like this, provides us with insights into the compatibility between tradition and modernity.

≪황성신문≫의 실학 인식

김현우 ( Kim Hyon-woo ) 조선대학교 인문학연구원 2016 인문학연구 Vol.0 No.52

Now the conception of ``Silhak(實學)``, which have understood ``Confucian``s change to good governing``, is based on Choi Nam Seon``s definition in 1930``s, and really different from the traditional conception. Because Silhak does not mean just the side of the governing. I want to describe the significance and limitations of philosophical changes, in light of especially Hwangseoungsinmun``s understanding of Silhak in this papers. Hwangseongsinmun had devoted to the civilizational enlightenment since its establishment. But its thought of the enlightenment meaned not merely the western civilization but also the traditional Confucianism and the reasonable Korea tradition. So its theory of Silhak also is something including both western and traditional. However, after the Protectorate Treaty between Korea and Japan concluded in 1905 its thinking was changed. Especially they, many members of it, spread the enlightenment movement to define the cause of that treaty as the uncivilized nation. In this way, they had just considered the western studies and technique instead of the moral values based on traditional Confucianism to regain sovereignty. These thinkings and actions caused the competition between new western studies and traditional Confucianism. And more, they caused their intentional ignorance of the national resistance like the religious resistance and the militia movement of Confucian scholars. Now a ideology of ``Silhak`` is used to be a theoretical basic on western economic development in the Japan ruling ara and the Korea-dictatorship period. But now we seek both the development and the distribution and more had better take interests of this. So Hwangseongsinmun``s cognition of Silhak shows implications to us.

박은식의 양계초 수용에 관한 연구 -박은식의 유교구신(儒敎求新)과 근대성을 중심으로-

김현우 ( Hyon Woo Kim ) 한림과학원 2013 개념과 소통 Vol.- No.11

Most of the published discussions on the interaction between traditional Confucianism and modern values in East Asia are concerned with Chinese Confucianism. But Korea has just as much Confucian history as China, and this analysis will try to shed some light on the interaction between Korean Confucianism and modernity by comparing Pak Eun Sik (朴殷植), a Korean Confucian scholar and independence activist in the early 20th century, with Liang Qi Chao (梁啓超), a famous Chinese thinker of that era whose ideas derived from Confucianism and who represented Pak`s window on the Western world. At the end of the Joseon era, just before it was colonized by Japan, Pak tried to renovate Korean Confucianism to help develop a modern nation. He was an active participant in the Jagang Movement (自强運動), the name of which implies two ideas:, one, from the “ceaseless endeavors” (自强不息) of Zouyi(周易), means “strenuous efforts”; and the other implies getting strong by oneself, meaning a spirit of independence. In 1907 Pak also translated Liang`s Paper on Patriotism (愛國論), which had been published in the magazine West Friend (西友). About one third of this work had been translated before, in 1899 by Jang Ji Yeon (張志淵), but Pak translated most of Liang`s original, omitting only a few sentences which described China as “the only nation in East Asia.” Actually Liang was referring to China`s growing weakness, with the Chinese people being uninterested in competing or going to war against other nations, since as “the only nation” they need not be patriotic. Pak thought that these ideas were fundamentally wrong, and that furthermore they encouraged unwarranted cultural subservience toward China (中華主義) among conservative Confucian scholars. Many in the Jagang Movement, including Jang Ji Yeon, Kim Won Geug (金源極) and Pak himself, were critical of the way in which such conservative scholars viewed the nation, seeing it as a form of sycophancy toward China which did nothing to help Joseon escape from its humiliating position as a Japanese protectorate. Pak`s deliberate omission of these ideas from his translation therefore shows his support for an autonomous Joseon identity, independent of this kind of servile Confucianism When the Jagang Movement reached its zenith, in 1908, he published a paper seeking to popularize a reformation of Confucianism. In his Opinion on the Reformation of Confucianism (儒敎求新論), he puts forward a modern style of thought (and religion) in a concise and practical form offering social and moral guidance to the general public; contrasting it with the conservative Confucianism which he criticized for its emphasis on intellectual superiority which allowed an educated elite to dominate the other classes of society. The ultimate aim of his reformation is to establish Joseon as a modern nation-state, independent of Japanese control, and to promote a national sense of identity and the rights of the Korean people. In fact his paper has the same purpose as Liang`s Opinion on the Reformation of Religion in China (論支那宗敎改革), though there are some differences between the two. The most important is that Pak was writing mainly for the public, whereas Liang targeted the Xiangshen (鄕紳), the leading classes of China, who had historically upheld traditional Confucianism. Thus both authors were seeking to modernize the same body of Confucian thought, but they held different views on how this could be done. There is also a distinction in their attitudes toward socialism. Pak took a positive view, comparing socialism with the Mo School (墨家) of ancient China in an article in the Dong-A Daily News in 1925:Pursue the Truth of Learning to Follow Justice (학의 진상은 의를 쫓아 구하라). He exhorted Koreans to keep striving for independence in defiance of Japanese coercion, arguing that the Mo School and socialism both represented a struggle for the spirit of salvation. Liang, on the other hand, took a very different view of socialism. In 1922, in his History of Political Thought before Chin (先秦政治思想史), he asserts that after the regimes based on republicanism and nationalism, Confucianism should become a new world current, like socialism, replacing all other national systems, just as Confucianism had previously replaced “all philosophers and scholars” (諸子百家), including the Mo School and the School of Law (法家) in Han dynasty China. Pak and Liang were contemporaries working in a context of Confucianism, but they had a different understanding of the relationship between Confucianism and modernity. In fact there were significant differences, both in the political and social circumstances of their countries, and also in the character of the Confucianism which prevailed there. Pak`s slogans were “getting strong by oneself” (自强) which promoted a unique Korean identity, the “reformation of Confucianism” (儒敎求新) which was aimed at the general public, and the “struggle for independence” (獨立鬪爭) through which the ordinary people could find peace for themselves via his concept of Confucianism. This was all quite distinct from Liang`s ideas, with their emphasis upon Chinese traditional thought. Even today, there are ongoing debates on the interaction between traditional and modern ways of interpreting the world, chiefly regarding communication, coexistence, and progress. Especially in regions outside the Western sphere, such questions continue to challenge society, and have yet to be fully resolved. Thus, the choices which Pak made about 100 years ago still provide a good foundation for discussions about how the traditional and the modern worldviews can coexist to allow progress.

유교를 통한 한국적 다문화 사회 구상 - 화(和) · 대동(大同) · 효(孝)를 중심으로 -

김현우 ( Kim Hyon-woo ),이미림 ( Lee Mi-rim ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2017 유학연구 Vol.38 No.-

Multicultural society is based on different life styles and the thought that may be them in one society. Korea society which, generally speaking, is composed of a united ethnic group have had many elements and phenomena of multiculture for about 30 years. Noteworthy, constituent of human resources is changed. In oder to increase in much number of marriage migrant women and migrant workers, the debate on Korea multiculture society is formed. Already there are many debates on multiculture in the world. But their formal processes are all not loyal roads. In Korea which had gone into the multiculture in short time, the society impels unilaterally to transfer and assimilate into Korea culture without the detailed counter processes and the philosophical introspection. In this paper, we want to solve the problem for `harmony`(和), `great unity`(大同) and `filial duty`(孝) in Confucian values of Korea tradition. And we hope that our society designs Korean model of multiculture society and advances to a future-original society.

박은식의 동학 인식

김현우 ( Kim Hyon-woo ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2016 유학연구 Vol.36 No.-

In late Joseon, Confucianist`s viewpoint about Donghak[東學] and Donghak revolution[東學革命], regardless of conservative and progressive, is too critical. It is same to Pak Eun sik`s at that time. But seeing major historical events like Japan-Korea Treaty of 1905[乙巳勒約] and Japanese annexation of Korea[韓日强制合邦], he and progressive Confucianists had begun to make new interpretations Donghak and its revolution. This paper is research on history of mentality that infer how to form their modern values through the change. Because the change leads to change from tradition based Confucianism to modernity at all. Especially, the focus of this paper is his change to Yangming school. His Yangming school has distinctive feature that the salvationism and the nationalism with Yangji[良知] as the center. It is the philosophical bases that he has criticized Joseon Confucianism which advocates the ruling class of Yangban[兩班] and has newly explained to remake that. So in the Suffering history of Korea(1915) and the Blood history of Korea Independent Movement(1920) made after 1910, he explained that Donghak and its revolution is nation`s positive resistance to get Korea independence and real bases of March First Independence Movement in 1919. The other hand, his change of value gives the important message now. Because tradition of our generation brings fixation and adhesion on objective reality and can hardly even adjust and change. I hope that the tradition is not just followed to the past meaninglessly but restructured modernly.

남당 성삼층설의 논리체계와 근대적 인문정신

김현우 ( Kim Hyon-woo ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2017 유학연구 Vol.40 No.-

Namdang Han Won Jin, who is known to succeed to the academic traditions of Lee Yi(李珥) and Song Si Yeol(宋時烈), and is a conservative to argue the Legitimacy of Ju(尊周大義), led to Horak dispute to releasing the theory of Seong-Samcheung(性三層說). In this paper, I study his theories with his Seong-Samcheung theory as the center and represent his theory as modern humanities him to divide the nature of originality(本然之性) by human and things of especially animal. His theory is just not something that strengthened the logical argument of Zhuzi school (朱子學). Because there were some premises to strengthen its logic. That is, the theories of Namdang reflected changes of society in that time, arising Qing as an Imperialist in East Asis, trand of Western studies, and growth of the popular party in this paper. Therefore, his theories is not just recover Zhuzi school as the ruling system of Joseon. His theory of Seong-Samcheung provided the way the society to go to modern humanities just to stress moral mind. So Namdang`s theory of humanities is the key philosophical change which is connected to Jeogn Yak Yong`s theory on human nature and expanded to individualism with the moral self-awareness in Korea modern times.

박은식의 기독교 수용과 양지론

김현우(Kim, Hyon-Woo) 한국양명학회 2015 陽明學 Vol.0 No.42

박은식은 양지론을 중심으로 대체로 1909년부터 양명학으로 전환하였다. 한편 그의 전환에는 기독교의 영향도 있었다. 이 시기는 박은식이 상경이전에 활동했던 북삼도를 중심으로 개신교계 기독교가 급속도로 확산되었고, 또 이후 그의 전적에서 기독교와 관련된 언급이 여러 차례 나왔기 때문이다. 특히 그 언급들에는 양지와 관련된 것이 많았다. 그는 1909년 고아학생제군 에서 최초로 양지를 영혼 즉 성령과 비교하였다. 1910년에 발행한 『왕양명실기』에서는 양지를 기독교의 영혼 즉 성령과 연결시키면서 인간의 생명, 삶 그리고 변화의 근본적 원인으로 설명하고 있다. 또한 나아가 양지를 통해 인간은 선을 실천하는 현실적 주체로 설명하고 있다. 이러한 기술은 그가 양지를 종교적 영성의 차원에서 해석한 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 하지만 동시에 그의 양지론은 기독교와는 달리 신을 배제한 인간의 독립적인 주관성을 강조하고 있다. 이 이론은 1911년 서간도 망명기에 작성한 『몽배금태조』에서 민족심으로 확장되고 있다. 박은식의 양지론은 유교 즉 양명학의 기반 하에서 기독교의 성령의 영향을 받아 형성되었다. 다만 그에게서 기독교의 신 즉 인격신의 개념은 차용되지 않았다. 즉 박은식의 양지론은 ‘인간을 자기 결정권을 가진 영적이고도 주체적인 존재로 인식하는 철학적 근거’로써, 한국 전통 유교와 근대전환기 전래된 기독교를 통섭하는 철학 담론으로써의 의의가 있다고 하겠다. Pak Eun Sik changed his Confucian to Yangming-thought in 1909 and its main issue was Yangji. On the other hand, the change was included by Christianity, too. Because that was about the time when the Protestant spreaded rapidly in 3 north districts in Korea and he often had written sentences which related at Christianity since that time. Especially there were many sentences on Yangji. He first compared Yangji to spirit, the Holy Sprit in letter to our students in 1909. He described it as reason of life, living and change related the Holy Spirit in the Biography of Wangyangmyeong published in 1910. And more he told that human is the practical main agents with Yangji who practice righteousness. This shows that he interpreted Yangji as the religious spirituality. However, at once his Yangji theories stressed just human independent identity not something about God of Christianity. This theories expanded national-mind In Dream to meet the First Empire of Geum written in 1911 when he fled to western Gando. His theories on Yangji was formed based on Yangming-thought, influenced by the Holy Spirit in Christianity. But they didn’t have the conception of God of Christianity, of a theistic view. Therefore, his theories, as the philosophical basis that human is the spiritual and identical being has the right of self determination, are a important consilience between Korea traditional philosophy and imported Christianity.

조포충효론(趙苞忠孝論)에 나타난 이곡(李穀)의 충효관

김현우 ( Kim Hyon-woo ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2021 유학연구 Vol.55 No.-

Li Gok, a Confucian scholar who succeeded Lee Kyu-bo, Lee Jae-hyun and bridged to Li Seak, explained his unique view of filial piety in his book JopoChunghyo-Ron. This story is written on Jopo in the biography of the Later Han Book of Confucianism and is the first to systematically deal with mortuary guns in East Asian classics, as well as the beginning of the biography of the late Han Dynasty. Although the song considers Jopo's behavior to be unfaithful and insufficient, it differs from the claim of Fàn Ye in the Later Han Book, and is even more critical than the evaluation of Cheng Yí, which inspired the discussion after the SongㆍYuan Dynasty. Such evaluation is not unrelated to the current situation of Li Gok. He served as a former bureaucrat with Gorye and Yuan Dynasty, but this caused nationalism to fade for him. In other words, he emphasized filial piety rather than loyalty because he could not recognize the original decline and the recovery of Gorye's independence. Chung was born from the expansion of filial piety and was not merely loyal to the ruler. Chung can be understood as an effort to extend filial piety in a community. In this regard, it was undesirable for Li Gok to evaluate that Jopo is not only to be not loyal but also to be not filial to his parents.