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The Low Origin Hypothesis for "There" Constructions
김학연 대한언어학회 2007 언어학 Vol.15 No.1
The primary goal of this paper is to show the proper syntactic position for the generation of the expletive there. We advocate the "low origin" hypothesis in which it is argued that the expletive there is merged in the specifier position of v and agree locally with its associate NP. We employ the strict successive cyclicity to explain the peculiar behaviors of the expletive constructions. We also argue that the expletive there has Case and its associate NP bears partitive Case, providing a way to dispense with the EPP or Inverse Case Filter.
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김학연 현대문법학회 2013 현대문법연구 Vol.73 No.-
The primary purpose of this paper is to show the syntactic structure of reduplicative copula is is constructions found in recent speeches. Perhaps it should be regarded as a pleonasm, a kind of repetition. But the advantage of analyzing it from the perspective of syntax becomes clear when we derive the structure based on recent syntactic assumptions. The non-standard structure of pseudo-cleft structure, whP is is that ... can be interpreted as being the product of unpacking the topic phrase in C-domain, while leaving the focus phrase in vP domain. The linking of the two phrases is manifested by the reduplication of BE, the first one being the Case marker, the second one being the focus marker inserted late.
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EPP and Derivational Interpretation of Scrambling Chain
김학연 한국영미어문학회 2003 영미어문학 Vol.- No.69
EPP and Derivational Interpretation of Scrambling Chain
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Pure EPP and Scrambling Revisited
김학연 한국영미어문학회 2005 영미어문학 Vol.- No.77
In scrambling, the properties of focus-feature, the A'-movement after D- stranding, and {P}-feature seem to be very similar to that of the pure EPP-feature. Thus, pure EPP analysis can explain various kinds of scrambling which have been main issues. However, for anaphor binding in pure EPP-driven scrambling, I propose the principle (30). (27) a. When an element scrambles out of its original CP, it loses its ɸ-feature, but an anaphor can lose it even in CIS. b. A scrambled element can not bind its anaphor if it has no ɸ-feature'. But there remains a problem waiting for further study. That is doubly scrambled adjunct which leaves a trace in the scrambled CP. To solve the problem, Saito (2003) suggested revised PBC, and Kim (2005) employed Boeckx' (2004) idea in which all adjuncts except 'why' can not be applied to chain splitting because they don't have ɸ-feature.
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김학연 현대문법학회 1997 현대문법연구 Vol.11 No.-
Hak-youn Kim. 1997. Expletive Constructions in Optimality Theory. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 11: 91-105. The main purpose of this paper is to suggest LRI (Last Resort Insertion) instead of Subject in the rank of Subject > FI for optimal expletive in non-pro drop language. The general framework of Optimal Theory in syntax is introduced focused on Ob-Hd constraint in subject-verb inversion in English, and Subject and FI constraints in English and Italian. However the Subject constraint defined as "subject position must be filled" is not enough to cover all the expletive constructions. When the so called associate-NP is definite(DP), it can satisfy EPP feature in Infl without expletive. And Default Agreement of Subject in Icelandic also blocks an expletive in the subject position. Instead the last resort insertion of expletive occurs in order to satisfy the EPP feature only when the associate-NP is indefinite(NP). This is because the expletive functions as a determiner. Therefore I suggest to replace Subject by LRI.
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김학연 현대문법학회 1996 현대문법연구 Vol.8 No.-
Kim, Hak-Youn. 1996. A Study on Locality and Binding. Studies in Modern Grammatical Theories 8: 181-2O8. The purpose of this paper is to show how Locality (Manzini 1992) can solve the problems revealed in the previous Binding Theories (Chomsky 1981, 1986b, Aoun 1986), and furthermore to explain even every dependency. For the dependency of wh-movement, the Locality employs both categorial sequence based on non K-governing and address sequence based on K-governing, and barrier defined by g-marking. If the sequence satisfy government, then wh-antecedents and the traces establish dependency. This Locality accounts for wh-t incorporated in Generalized Binding and even Specific islands. For A-movement dependency, the theouy makes use of Barrier suggested above and extended the trace to dependent element. In addition, this rule is bicotditioned. Through optional g-marking forBarrier, the problem of non complementary distribution of pronoun and anaphor are solved. In conclusion, the Locality has strong explanatory power because the simple principle can cover various problems revealed in previous binding theories.
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