一般去來契約法論과 그에 관한 判例理論

金知衡 법조협회 1988 法曹 Vol.37 No.9

The Japanese Annexation of Korea as Viewed from the British and American Press: focus on The Times and The New York Times

김지형 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2011 International Journal of Korean History Vol.16 No.2

This study analyzes the contents and characteristics of the reports related to the Japanese annexation of Korea that appeared in the major newspapers in Great Britain and the United States, namely The Times and The New York Times, before and after the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910. Both papers boast traditions of over 150 years and continue to be internationally influential dailies. At the time, these two entities, which were representative of the press in Great Britain and the United States, swayed public opinion in favor of imperialistic expansion. In essence, the two newspapers came out in favor of the Japanese annexation of Korea. They reprinted the official position of the Japanese government regarding the annexation of Korea, namely that the chaos in Korea had made annexation inevitable, and reflected the imperialistic expansionist logic that annexation would help foster the development of Korea. This can be regarded as the moment at which the issue of independence used as the logic for Japan’s territorial encroachment in Korea reached the terminus known as the ‘inevitability of annexation.’The two newspapers reported on the annexation of Korea from the standpoint of Western imperialism. They reported on the process of the annexation of Korea in a manner that cloaked the violence carried out by Japan in the name of pushing through the annexation treaty, and excluded the positions of the Korean people. The rise of ŭibyŏng (righteous armies) and of the independence movement in Korea in opposition to the violence of Japanese imperialism was decried as ‘riots’ initiated by ‘malcontents.’Although the two newspapers, in their capacity as Western papers representative of imperialist nations, by and large maintained the common position of accepting the inevitability of the ‘annexation of Korea,’ each adopted, in keeping with the positions of their respective governments, its own line of reasoning for this acceptance.

The Effect of Credit Rationing on the Valuation of a Firm

김지형 한국국제경제학회 1983 한국국제경제학회 학술대회발표 논문집 Vol.12 No.-

조사의 발생에 관한 일 고찰

김지형,이석만 慶熙大學校 文理科大學 國語國文學會 1986 慶熙語文學 Vol.7 No.1

Liquid-Crystal Alignment Behavior On PHOTOREA Polymers With VARIOUS Chan Lengths

김지형,이승우,이문호 한국고분자학회 2000 한국고분자학회 학술대회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2000 No.4

‘5분 스피치’의 자기 성찰과 치유적 효과 -‘나는 누구인가’ 주제의 말하기 수업 사례를 중심으로-

김지형 한국사고와표현학회 2019 사고와표현 Vol.12 No.3

The results of self-reflection and self-healing performance were remarkable as a result of ‘the five minutes speech’ while operating ‘thinking and expression’ courses for freshman students. In the process of preparing for the speech, the students faced the time to relativization and objectification themselves of the past, and they had an experience of finding ways to overcome themselves by talking about their mental and psychological hurts. Many of the students did not enter the process of self-reflection and self-healing by their self-introduction speech focusing on their future jobs. However, in the case of more than half of the students who participated in the speech, they confessed their concerns about their personality or their relationship with people. Among them, there was an ideal case for seeking the social healing beyond the self-healing. Most of the students’ psychological hurts were occurred before they entered college. Therefore, it is possible to set the significance of the five minutes speech as one of the effective programs that can heal the psychological wounds caused by adolescence. 대학 신입생을 대상으로 한 ‘사고와 표현’ 과목의 말하기 교육 프로그램의 일환으로써 ‘나는 누구인가’라는 주제 기반의 ‘5분 스피치’를 운영한 결과, 자기 성찰적⋅치유적 효과가 의미 있게 나타났음을 확인하였다. 학생들은 자기소개를 위한 스피치를 준비하는 과정에서 과거의 ‘나’와 지금의 ‘나’를 상대화, 객관화 하는시간을 마주하게 되었으며, 강의실에서 자신의 정신적, 심리적 상처와 아픈 기억을 이야기하면서 그 원인과 대안을 스스로 찾아나가는 자기 치유의 과정을 보였다. 교수자, 청자들이 발표자와 우호적인 라포를 형성하는 것도 중요한 요소로작용하였다. 자기소개를 자신이 희망하는 미래 직업 또는 학과 선택의 이유 등으로 설정함으로써 자기 성찰적 상황에서 머물 뿐 치유적 상태로 나아가지 못하는 한계 또한나타났으나, 조사 대상 중 절반 이상의 학생들이 ‘자신의 성격’ 또는 ‘친구 및 사람관계’를 중심으로 한 고민의 사례를 청자들과 공유하고자 하였다. 그 가운데에는 자기 치유를 넘어 사회 치유를 향한 이타적 미래를 모색하는 이상적인 사례도있었다. 또한 스피치를 통해 학생들이 소환한 정신적, 심리적 상처가 대부분 대학 입학 이전의 시기에 비롯되었다는 점에서 5분 스피치가 청소년기에 대한 자기 치유 프로그램으로서 일단의 유용성을 띤 것으로 이해된다.

口蓋音化의 列外現象考察(II)

金智衡 慶熙大學校 文理科大學 國語國文學會 1987 慶熙語文學 Vol.8 No.1

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구개음화의 예외현상고찰 (II)

김지형 慶熙大學校 文理科大學 國語國文學會 1987 慶熙語文學 Vol.8 No.1

토론 수업에서 토론자, 평자의 사고 특성과교수자 역할의 재인식

김지형 한국사고와표현학회 2015 사고와표현 Vol.8 No.3

Most of the debate courses of Liberal Arts curriculum consist of designated pros and cons debate. This paper tries to understand the interactions among roles of the debate members consisted of a debater, an evaluator, and a teacher(professor). Particularly, students approached in a way of analyzing the ideas that appeared in their evaluation cards they wrote as the evaluators about each topic. As a result, while the pros and cons debate brought out the subject by making awareness about the topics, there also was an aspect of further being disable to think about the debate topics diversely. The evaluators also could not avoid the frame of dichotomy. To get out of the dichotomic thinking, selection of topics optimized for the pros and cons debate is important. According to the perspective of evaluators, connections of the evaluations of pros and cons tended to be more distinct. Also, as with the aspect of debate courses effect, it was understood that the evaluators benefited as much as the debaters. Further with the evaluation cards, it appeared that not only the professors had to play enough roles as observers, but also minimize the errors through inspecting the direction and content of the debate. 대학 교양과정에서 운영되고 있는 토론 수업은 찬반 지정 토론 방식이 대부분이다. 토론 수업은 토론자와 교수자라는 양대 축을 중심으로 다양한 관계망의 중층적 구조로 이루어져 있는 점이 특징이다. 이 글은 토론자, 평자, 교수자라는토론 수업의 주요 구성원 각각의 역할과 3자간의 상호관계를 파악하고자 하였다. 그리하여 토론 수업에 대한 객관적, 상대적 이해를 바탕으로 개선해야할 점과 방향을 모색하려고 한다. 특히 수강생들이 평자로서 모든 논제에 대해 직접 작성한토론평가표를 분석하는 방식에 의거하였다. 그 결과, 찬반 토론은 논제의 예각화를 통해 주제의식이 잘 부각되는 반면 이분법적인 사고 경향을 고착화시킴으로써토론 주제를 다각적으로 파악하는 사고능력의 함양에 장애가 되는 측면이 있는것으로 나타났다. 평자들의 경우에도 이분법적 프레임을 벗어나지 못하였다. 이분법적 사고에 갇히지 않기 위해서는 찬반 토론에 최적화된 주제 선정작업이 중요하다. 논제에 따른 평자들의 입장에 따라 찬반 양측에 대한 평가가 연동되는경향 또한 뚜렷하였다. 토론 수업의 효과 측면에서 평자들이 토론자 못지않은 혜택을 누리는 것으로 나타났다. 무엇보다 토론평가표를 통해 볼 때, 교수자가 관찰자로서의 역할을 충분히 해야 하는 것은 물론이며 좀더 적극적으로 토론의 방향과 내용을 점검하여 오류를 최소화할 필요가 있는 것으로 파악되었다.

The Development of the Discussions on Unification during the Early Post-Cold War Era: Competition and Coexistence between the Government and Nongovernment Sector

김지형 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2012 International Journal of Korean History Vol.17 No.1

This study analyzes the discussions pertaining to unification and the characteristics of the unification movement during the Roh Tae Woo regime, in power during the early post-Cold War era. More to the point, this article examines the competition and coexistence that existed between the government and nongovernment sector with regards to this issue. Amidst the onset of the post-Cold War Era, the Roh Tae Woo (No T΄aeu) government undertook an active engagement policy towards North Korea that can be characterized by the establishment of the Nordpolitik policy and the July 7th Declaration (Special Declaration for National Self-Esteem, Unification, and Prosperity). The advent of a wide range of North-South Korean talks, including high-level ones, paved the way for the two Koreas to establish a new milestone in their relationship in the form of the adoption of the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement, an agreement that highlighted the uniqueness of the inter-Korean relationship. The North’s attitude during the process that led up to the establishment of the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement can be regarded as one based on the posture of defensive coexistence. This came as part of their attempts to overcome the post-Cold War crisis marked by the collapse of the socialist bloc. On the other hand, South Korea played an active leadership role and served as the driving force behind this process. All of this led to the development of a new international paradigm known as the simultaneous ascension of North-South Korea to the UN taking root on the Korean peninsula. However, internal and external factors associated with the erosion of the inter-Korean relationship, in the form of intentional attempts by the hard-line faction within the government to derail the inter-Korean relationship as well as the nuclear standoff between the United States and North Korea, were also clearly exposed during this process. Here, special attention should be drawn to the fact that the intentional stress placed on the inter-Korean relationship by those who adopted a hard-line towards the North was closely related to the presidential election strategy endorsed by conservative political forces. This period also saw an explosive growth in nongovernment sector led discussions regarding unification and related unification movements, as well as in inter-Korean exchange campaigns within all classes of society. A series of events,including the campaign for the holding of inter-Korean student talks and for the joint organization of the Olympics, had the effect of making exchanges with the North a key issue within society. At the same time, this growing interest in North Korea resulted in the emergence of the phenomenon known as the “Movement to Develop a Proper Understanding of North Korea.” Doubts started to be raised about the logic of the conservative power, which during the Cold War Era had propped up the authoritative dictatorship in the name of anticommunism. There was also an exponential growth in intellectual curiosity regarding North Korea,curiosity that was rooted in the notion of silsa kusi (實事求是, silsa gusi, seeking truth from facts). Nongovernment sector-based unification movements eventually splintered into those that were friendly towards North Korea and those that were critical of it. The emergence of the Pan-Korean Alliance for Reunification (PKAR), which adopted tripartite cooperation (two Koreas and the international community), and of the search for a new unification structure that respected the values of various unification movements in Korea, was in fact the result of conflicting understandings of North Korea that existed within the various unification movements. As such, the discussions over unification carried out by the various nongovernment unification groups, which began to exhibit a multilayered structure, became an internal competition of sorts. During this process, the government, which intended to curb discussions on unification wit...