성인 다낭종신 47예의 임상적 고찰

김인식,윤영석,장윤식,윤호중,방병기,양종목,표석주,장성구 대한신장학회 1985 Kidney Research and Clinical Practice Vol.4 No.2

To develop the profile of the adult polycystic kidney disease, we analysed retrospectively and restrictively the clinical charicteristics of theirs. The results were as follows: 1) The most frequent age on admission was 5th and 6th decade. 2) The frequency of clinical manifestations was palpable mass(75.6%), flank pain(64.4%), hyper- tension(53. 3%), and history of hematuria(40. 4%) 3) The frequency of other organ involvement was liver(40 5%), pancreas(8. 3%), and spleen(5, 4%) 4) The findings of urinalysis were showe E. within normal limit(44. 4% ), hematuria(33.3% ), pyuria(33. 3% ), and proteinuria(24. 4%). 5) The renal function on first visit was normal in 21 patients(47, 7% ), and the remainders(52. 3%) were impaired in renal function. 6) The six of 47 patients showed positive family history.

만성B형 간염 항바이러스제와 진단표지 사이의 관계

김인식,정다운,현성희 대한임상검사과학회 2011 대한임상검사과학회지(KJCLS) Vol.43 No.2

. In this study, we investigated the correlation between the administration of various antiviral agents and the alternation of specific biomarkers induced by the hepatitis B virus (HBV). Eligible subjects diagnosed with chronic hepatitis B were prescribed with antiviral drugs at the Gastroenterology Internal Medicine Department of E University Hospital in Daejeon between May 2004 and September 2009. Lamivudine was prescribed to 66 out of 100 patients. Of the 12 patients, 6 (50.0%) showed a change from being HBe-antigen-positive to being HBe-antigen-negative. Of the 39 patients, 23 (59.0%) showed higher than 40 IU/L alanine aminotransferase (ALT). Of the 65 patients, 41 (63.1%) showed HBV DNA decrease of 1 log, and were prescribed with Lamivudine. Adefovir was prescribed to 3 out of 100 patients. Of the 12 patients, 1 (8.3%) showed a change from being HBe-antigen-positive to being HBe-antigen-negative, and was prescribed with Adefovir. Entecavir was prescribed to 19 (19.0%) out of 100 patients. Of the 12 patients, 3 (25.0%) showed a change from being HBe-antigen-positive to being HBe-antigen-negative. Of the 12 patients, 3 (125.8%) showed higher than 40 IU/L ALT. Of the 65 patients, 14 (21.5%) showed HBV DNA decrease of 1 log, and were prescribed with Entecavir. Clavudine was prescribed to 7 out of 100 patients. Of the 12 patients, 1 (8.3%) showed a change from positive HBe antigen to negative HBe antigen. Of the 39 patients, 5 (12.8%) showed higher than 40 IU/L ALT. Of the 65 patients, 6 (9.2%) showed HBV decrease of 1 log, and were prescribed with Clavudine. These results do not show a statistically significant correlation between drugs and biomarkers. Data on combination therapy using Lamivudine and Adefovir show no statistically significant difference between drugs and biomarkers. Medications for periodic inspection was not correlated to HBe-antigen-negative conversion, ALT, and HBV DNA. HBV DNA was significantly reduced in patients with high levels of AST(aspartic acid aminotransferase) and ALT before treatment. In addition, the decrease of HBV DNA after 12 months of treatment was less frequently observed in patients treated with Lamivudine compared with other drugs. This result is associated with Lamivudine resistance. Although the association of drugs with diagnostic markers and the correct choice of treatment is difficult to determine, these results may be useful for further research on diagnosis and treatment of the hepatitis B virus.

임영신 독직 사건의 ‘정치적 해결’ 모색과 경과

김인식 숭실사학회 2022 숭실사학 Vol.- No.48

8·15해방 후 신생 대한민국이 출범한 지 5개월여 지나서, 이승만정부 내 현직 장관의 독직 사건이 잇달아 발생하였다. 두 달여의 시차를 두고 터진 두 독직 사건은 야당 권력과 정부 권력 사이의 갈등에서 비롯되었다는 공통점이 있었으나, 임명권자인 대통령 이승만이 양자에 대응하는 방식은 전혀 달랐다. 수사 주체인 검찰 및 이를 지휘·관할하는 법무부장관이 통치권자의 의중을 반영하여 사건을 수습하려 했던 이유였다. 임영신 독직 사건은 감찰위원회가 ‘파면’으로 곧장 여론화하자, 당시 언론들이 거의 실시간에가깝게 보도하였는데도, 조봉암 독직 사건과 달리 기소가 이루어지기 전부터 전혀 다른 해법이 모색되었다. 이승만은 애초 임영신에게 상공부장관직을 사임하는 선에서 사태를 마무리하자고 권하였으나, 임영신은 오히려 임명권자를 설득하고 여론에 항변하면서 완강하게 버티다가, 5월 28일조봉암과 같은 날짜로 불구속 기속되었다. 이 과정에서 이승만은 시종일관 임영신을 엄호하였으므로, 법무부장관 李仁은 임영신의 기소를 저지하려 노력하면서, 이승만의 의중에 따라 검찰 측과‘정치적 해결’을 시도하였다. 이때 ‘정치적 해결’이란 임영신이 독직 의혹들에 책임을 지고 1946년 5월 27일까지 상공부장관직을 사임하면, 검찰은 그를 기소하지 않고 사건을 마무리짓는다는 타협이었다. 이러한 해법이 법무부장관 이인 - 검찰총장 권승렬 - 서울지방검찰청 검사장(서울지검장) 최대교 3자 사이에 합의된상태였다. 이승만정부가 내각을 구성한 지 채 6개월도 되지 않아 연발한 두 독직 사건은 정권의 도덕성에흠집을 내었을 뿐 아니라, 갓 출발한 대한민국의 정체성에도 타격을 주었다. 더욱이 임영신은 당시 권력의 제2인자로 불릴 만큼 이승만의 최측근이었으므로, 그의 독직 사건은 始端부터 결말까지‘정치적 성격’으로 일관하였다. 이 논문에서 의미하는 ‘정치적 해결’은, 임영신이 상공부장관직을 사임한다면 불기소 처리한다는 합의점―이인 등이 회고한―보다 더 넓은 범주이다. 임영신 독직 사건이 발단하자, 대통령 이승만부터 사법 당국인 검찰·법무부가 조봉암 독직 사건과 달리 대응하는 양상을 비롯하여 사법부의 최종 판결에 이르는 모든 과정에서, 사법의 잣대가 아닌 算術과 방식으로 사건을 마무리하려는일체의 시도와 행태를 가리켰다. It was about five months of the liberation of August 15 after the inauguration of the Korean government inaugurated that a series of corruption scandal of incumbent ministers in the Lee Seung-Man Government continually occurred. Lim Young-sin’s corruption was the second one after Agriculture Minister Cho Bong-am’ scandal. The two cases, which broke out over a two-month time difference, had something in common that they stemmed from a conflict between opposition power and administrative power. Lim Young-sin was a heavyweight even within the pro-Lee Seung-Man forces, and the time of the Lim Young-sin graft scandal was in the midst of a power struggle between the leading opposition party and the adminis tration. Since the cor ruption case of the powerful forces had a ‘political character’ that would lead to a crisis in the regime, it was an issue that the pro-Lee Seung-Man group had to end with a ‘political solution’. Initially, Lee Seung-Man intended to recommend Lim Young-sin to end the situation by resigning her the position of Minister of Commerce and Industry. However, Lim Young-sin was indicted without detention on May 28, 1949, after persuading the appointing authority and protesting against public opinion. In this process, Lee Seung-Man tried to cover Lim Young-sin throughout. This was the reason why the prosecution that was the subject of the investigation, and the Minister of Justice, who reflected the intention of the ruler commanding the jurisdiction, tried to settle the case in this way. In particular, Lee Yin, the Minister of Justice tried to block Lim Young-sin’s prosecution, and attempted to have a ‘political solution’ with the prosecution according to Lee Seung-Man’ intention. At this time, the ‘political solution’ was a kind of compromise that if Lim Young-sin would resign as the Minister of Commerce and Industry by May 27, the prosecution could conclude as a case without prosecuting her. The 'political solution’ that this paper means has a broader category than the compromise that Lim Young-sin would not indict if she resigned as the Minister of Commerce and Industry. When the Lim Young-sin’s corruption scandal happened, the response from the aspects of President Lee Seung-Man and the Minister of Prosecution and Justice to the final ruling of the judiciary, pointed out to all actions to end the case with political arithme tic, not judicial standards.

회갑상 차림

김인식 새가정사 1961 새가정 Vol.8 No.4

신규상장기업의 이익관리에 대한 연구

김인식,배영균 한국세무회계학회 1998 세무회계연구 Vol.5 No.1

본 연구는 경영자들이 기업공개 시점에서 이익을 관리함으로써 일시적으로 발생하는 정보비대칭현상을 이용하여 기업가치를 극대화시키는 유인이 발생한다고 보았다. 따라서 신규상장기업의 이익관리를 파악하기 위하여 첫째, 신규상장기업의 발행가격결정에 따른 정부의 기업공개정책과 관련하여 표본을 자율화기간과 규제기간으로 구분하였고, 둘째, 이익관리변수는 Jones(1991)의 발생액 모형을 이용하여 산업모형과 신규상장기업의 표본모형에서 계수들을 추정하였다. 셋째, 이익관리변수에 따른 신규상장기업의 기업특성들을 조사하였고, 기업가치에 영향을 미치는 주간사회사의 명성, 보유소유권 비율 등 비계량적 신호의 외생변수를 통하여 이익관리변수의 반응을 조사하였다. 연구결과에 따르면 기업공개 이전의 이익관리와 기업가치모형에 의한 정보비대칭가설에서 빈약한 성과를 가진 신규상장기업의 경영자들은 부분적이지만 이익을 관리하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 따라서 투자자들의 이익을 보호하고 자본시장의 공신력과 효율성을 제고하여 자본시장의 안정을 위해서는 기업공개 시점에 대한 지속적 관리글 할 수 있는 관련 규정의 제도적 정비가 요구된다.

안재홍의 ‘己未運動’과 임정법통성의 역사의식

김인식 한국인물사연구소 2012 한국인물사연구 Vol.18 No.-

Historical consciousness that was formed through active participation in the March 1st National Movement affected various political groups in their ideology and policy. This paper analyzes the case of Ahn Jae Hong as part of examining logical effects of the perception about the March 1st National Movement on the political groups’ nation-building movements following the national liberation on August 15, 1945. Ahn Jae Hong perceived causality and continuity between the March 1st National Movement and the establishment of Korean Provisional Government, and this perception logically extended into asserting the legitimacy of the provisional government. Such a historical consciousness resulted, after the 1945 liberation, in emphasizing as a matter of course the successive legitimacy from March 1st National Movement, to Korean Provisional Government, and to Republic of Korea. He emphasized that the Republic of Korea must succeed the historical legitimacy of the Korean Provisional Government since the latter’s legitimacy arose from succeeding the spirit of the March 1st Movement. This paper aimed at understanding how Ahn Jae Hong’s motivating reasons and activities for the March 1st National Movement formed the background to his theory of the Korean Provisional Government’s legitimacy. First, we examined what terms and phrases he used to define and articulate the March 1st National Movement. He most often used the term ’Gimi Movement,’ and this term contained his perspective of the movement that was beyond merely an event. Second, we described his activities prior to the March 1st National Movement and his motives for participating in the movement. Third, we reviewed his activities in the Korean Youths for Diplomatic Services that he regarded to be within the category of the March 1st National Movement. Finally, we examined how he understood the successive causality between the March 1st National Movement and the Korean Provisional Government, and how he connected it with his theory of the Korean Provisional Government’s legitimacy. His historical consciousness, which was shared by center-right nationalists, was the background behind his political position that was completely different from that of left-wing affiliates.

안재홍의 ‘己未運動’과 임정법통성의 역사의식

김인식 (사)한국인물사연구회 2012 한국인물사연구 Vol.18 No.-

Historical consciousness that was formed through active participation in the March 1st National Movement affected various political groups in their ideology and policy. This paper analyzes the case of Ahn Jae Hong as part of examining logical effects of the perception about the March 1st National Movement on the political groups' nation-building movements following the national liberation on August 15, 1945. Ahn Jae Hong perceived causality and continuity between the March 1st National Movement and the establishment of Korean Provisional Government, and this perception logically extended into asserting the legitimacy of the provisional government. Such a historical consciousness resulted, after the 1945 liberation, in emphasizing as a matter of course the successive legitimacy from March 1st National Movement, to Korean Provisional Government, and to Republic of Korea. He emphasized that the Republic of Korea must succeed the historical legitimacy of the Korean Provisional Government since the latter's legitimacy arose from succeeding the spirit of the March 1st Movement. This paper aimed at understanding how Ahn Jae Hong's motivating reasons and activities for the March 1st National Movement formed the background to his theory of the Korean Provisional Government's legitimacy. First, we examined what terms and phrases he used to define and articulate the March 1st National Movement. He most often used the term 'Gimi Movement,' and this term contained his perspective of the movement that was beyond merely an event. Second, we described his activities prior to the March 1st National Movement and his motives for participating in the movement. Third, we reviewed his activities in the Korean Youths for Diplomatic Services that he regarded to be within the category of the March 1st National Movement. Finally, we examined how he understood the successive causality between the March 1st National Movement and the Korean Provisional Government, and how he connected it with his theory of the Korean Provisional Government's legitimacy. His historical consciousness, which was shared by center-right nationalists, was the background behind his political position that was completely different from that of left-wing affiliates.

PVDF 필름의 열자격 전류 특성에 관한 연구 ( A Study on the Thermally Stimulated Current in Polyvinylidene Fluoride film )

김인식,홍진웅,이준웅 대한전자공학회 1987 대한전자공학회 학술대회 Vol.1987 No.5

[CES 2016 둘러보기] CES 2016 - 주목받는 대기업 사내 스타트업

김인식 대한전자공학회 2016 전자공학회지 Vol.43 No.1

Preparation of PPO Ion Exchange Membrane and their properties

김인식,정윤서,황택성 한국공업화학회 2016 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2016 No.1

Cation exchange membrane was prepared sulfonated poly(2,6-dimethyl-1, and 4-phenelzine oxide) (SPPO) solution and DMAc as solvent. And anion exchange membrane was prepared aminated poly(2, 6-dimethyl-1, and 4-phenelzine oxide) (APPO) solution and NMP as solvent. Ion exchange membrane was prepared according to the ion exchange capacity of the ion exchange solution, and their properties were measured accordingly. The morphology of the membrane were measured by scanning electron microscope (SEM). Water uptake, swelling ratio, ion exchange capacity and electrical property was measured. And mechanical properties were measured tensile strength and elongation by UTM.