Absidia coerulea 에 의한 키토산 생산

김우준,장호남 ( Woo Jun Kim,Ho Nam Chang ) 한국화학공학회 1996 화학공학의이론과응용 Vol.2 No.1

중국의 大國崛起와 남중국해 諸島 영유권문제

김우준(Kim, Woo-Jun) 백산학회 2009 白山學報 Vol.- No.83

It is between the late 1990s and the early 2000s that China and the rest of the world began to agree that the rise of China means the rise of a great power. Chinese themselves claim that the rise of China is identical to the rise of great powers in the history. Throughout the Chinese history, China has been pressing its own version of international order with both military and non-military means, expanding its national territory. A rising China in the 21st century never hesitates to expand its influence. As power shift is not obvious in East Asia as well as in the rest of the world, China maintains its cooperative posture, but, the way ahead is unpredictable and many cannot help worrying about the negative dimension to the rise of China. Analysis of the relationship between the rise of China and the Chinese claim to the islands in the South China Sea shows that the greater China has become, the more aggressive it has turned in its territorial claims. In other words, China changes its posture on territorial issues in proportion to changes in its national might. Issue of the islands in the South China Sea finds its presence in the maritime border strategy of China, which President Hu Jintao has mentioned. Announcing that China is transforming itself into a sea power from a continental power, he emphasized the need to build military might commensurate with its presence as a political and economic power. In addition, he underscores that other countries are occupying some of Chinese islands and sunken rocks illegally and claims that China is the only nation that has continental shelf. China argues that the issues of the islands in the South China Sea came about, as the neighboring countries occupied the islands on after another in the midst of commotion that engulfed China during the Cultural Revolution. China built military bases in the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Islands that it claims as territory and included them in its administrative jurisdiction. China also built a large nuclear submarine base in Hainan Island at the mouth of the South China Sea, which indicates the aggressive posture of China. Concerning the race of China and the U.S. to secure regional hegemony over the islands in South China Sea, Chinese scholars conclude that the U.S., a 3rd party to the territorial issue in the South China Sea, is trying to intervene and lay siege to China. The sea power strategy of China and the Asia-Pacific strategy of the U.S. are colliding head on in the South China Sea. China analyzes that if it clashes with one of the U.S. allies in the South China Sea militarily, the U.S. will intervene, which will pose a serious threat to the Chinese claims to its territories and interests in the sea. They predict with confidence that the U.S. will not be able to win a full-blown war with China.

근대 이전의 한국 민간경비제도 고찰

김우준(Kim, Woo Jun) 한국민간경비학회 2012 한국민간경비학회보 Vol.11 No.2

이 연구에서는 관련 문헌의 조사ㆍ분석을 통하여 고대 연맹국가시대, 삼국시대와 통일신라시대, 고려시대, 조선시대(1863년 이전)라는 시대적 구분을 기준으로 각 시기별로 주요한 민간경비제도들을 소개하고그 특징점을 분석ㆍ정리하였다. 고조선의 위만이 거느린 유이민 세력과 부족민, 하호, 노비의 활동에서 고대 연맹국가시대의 민간경비 활동상을 추론할 수 있었다. 삼국시대에는 고구려, 신라, 백제에서 공통적으로 귀족이 보유한 사병적 경비조직이 신변경호, 시설경비 등의 기능을 수행했음이 확인되었다. 통일신라기에는 장보고가 이끈 청해진세력은 보안산업의 기능을 수행했음을 알 수 있었고, 신라 하대에는 각 지방의 호족들이 사병을 보유하여 경비를 담당하였고, 지역의 호부층과 농민이 중심이 된 향촌의 자위조직이 형성되어 자율방범활동을 펼친 기록도 있다. 고려시대에는 무신집권기의 사설 경비 기구라 할 수 있는 도방, 가병, 마별초 등이 민간경비 기능을 수행하였으며, 고려말 조선초의 시기에 귀족ㆍ권력가 집단이 보유한 사병 집단은 왕조 교체의 주된 배경이 될 정도였다고 분석된다. 조선시대 초기에도 왕족 및 귀족이 사병을 보유하여 자경활동을 하였으며, 계유정란 등 정치사적 주요 사건에도 권세가의 사병ㆍ경비집단이 관여하였던 것으로 보인다. 기타 영조대의 꼭지단이나 흥선대원군이 부렸던 무력 집단에 관한 사료에서 조선시대에도 여러 형태의 민간경비 내지 사적 경비집단이 형성되었음을 알 수 있다. 이 연구에서의 설명이나 주장은 대부분 추론에 바탕을 두고 있으며, 추후 후속 연구를 통하여 정밀하고 철저한 고증을 거쳐서 확인해 가야 할 과제를 안고 있으나, 많은 역사적 스펙트럼 속에서 민간경비사적으로 의미있는 사료들을 발췌ㆍ고증하여 후속 연구의 편의를 도모한 점에서 그 의의가 있다고 할 것이다. This study was performed for considering about korean private security systems in pre-modern era; Go Joseon(old Joseon) period, Three kingdoms period, Koryo period, early Joseon period. In the Go Joseon(old Joseon) period, drifting people group led by Wiman could considered as a kind of private security group. And lower class people or slaves took a role as private security resources. It could be ascertained that private army group possessed by aristocrats performed as private security resources in three kingdoms period. In the unified Silla period, Chang pogo established Cheonghaejin(quasi-private naval base) on Wando Island and swept the pirates from the seas and led the overseas trade of East Asia Sea. In the late of unified Silla period, local aristocrats, the riches and peasants had a neighborhood crime prevention guard organizations as vigilante corps. In the Koryo dynasty military official administration, special organizations(for instance, Dobang, Mabyoulcho, Choi’s House troops) performed as a role of private security group. From late Koryo to early Joseon, private army group possessed by aristocrats contributed to open new dynasty(Joseon) era. In the Joseon period, some royal families and aristocrats possessed their own private army groups and held vigilance activities. Records of some critical political events like the Kaeyou-Jungran(a coup d’etat in 1453) testified that some royal families and aristocrats possessed their own private army groups. Focusing on historical scientific deduction, documentary researching method and domestic review of advanced research could be mentioned as limitations or flaws, but it has academic contributions and meaningfulness considering to construct the base of future studies, despite lack of related research.

영상장치를 활용한 거북목 검출 및 경고 시스템

김우준(Woo Jun Kim),이웅희(Woonghee Lee),김황남(Hwangnam Kim) 한국통신학회 2016 한국통신학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2016 No.1

중국의 대내외 전략과 동북공정: 현황과 우리의 대응

김우준 ( Woo Jun Kim ),김예경 ( Yei Kyoung Kim ) 한국세계지역학회 2004 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.22 No.2

선거범죄의 실태 및 대응방안

김우준(Kim Woo Jun) 한국범죄심리학회 2015 한국범죄심리연구 Vol.11 No.2

이 연구에서는 선거범죄를 이론적으로 탐색하고, 최근의 선거범죄 실태 및 심각성을 논하였으며, 현행 선거범죄 대응체계와 그 문제점들을 고찰하고 나아가 선거범죄에 대한 대응방안을 개관하였다. 선거범죄는 현재 발생하고 있는 그 양적 질적 심각성도 상당하지만, 암수율이 상당하여 공식통계상의 그 실태를 그대로 받아들일 수 없는 문제가 있으며 암수의 문제를 고려하면 선거범죄의 심각성은 상당하다. 선거사범에 대한 단속은 경찰, 검찰, 선거관리위원회 등 3개 기관이 각각 행정적노력을 경주하여 시행하고 있는데 많은 성과가 있는 반면, 유관기관 간의 공조 미흡,인력 및 예산상의 한계, 선거 관계 법규 숙지에 있어서의 고충, 사이버 선거사범의 증가, 선거범죄의 정치성으로 인한 수사기관의 부담감, 네거티브 선거 풍토의 만연등 해결해야할 많은 과제 또한 여전히 안고 있다. 이러한 문제의 개선을 위하여 유관기관 간의 공조 및 첩보 공유, 선거 관계 법규관련 위탁교육 강화 등 ‘협력적 측면’에서의 개선이 모색되어야 하며, 전문 인력과 관련 예산의 증대, 사건 처리 매뉴얼 선진화 지속, 선거부정감시단의 활동 확대 검토, 전략 첩보 수집 강화 등 ‘행ㆍ재정적 측면’에서의 개선 또한 필요할 것으로 보인다. 나아가 경찰 및 검찰 등 수사기관의 정치적 중립성 강화, 공명선거문화 정착 등 ‘제도ㆍ문화적 측면’에서의 보다 근본적인 노력도 계속되어야 한다 This study involved analysis of related advanced researches, review of real state and seriousness about election crime. And it considered current system and improvement strategies related with election crime. The results are referred below. Election crime is very serious social problem quantitatively as well as qualitatively. Especially, considering hidden crime rate of election crime, the problem is more serious. National election commission, prosecutors' office, police have been in charge of dealing with election crime problem and are continuing to make steady progress. But it has still many problems that must be solved. Lack of cooperation between related public organizations, limitations with human resources and budget, difficulty understanding the election related laws and regulations, cyber election crime increase, political burden of investigation, negative election campaign climate have been still indicated as a problem. As an aspect of 'cooperation', cooperation strengthening between related public organizations and consolidation of commissioned education about election legislation is needed. As an aspect of 'finance of administration', it is a need to strengthen human resources and budget, advance election crime correspondence manual, strengthen role of the election watchdog. As an aspect of 'culture and system', it's also needed to guarantee political neutrality and independence of the investigative agencies, create a sound election campaign climate. Focusing on documentary researching method and domestic review of advanced research could be mentioned as limitations or flaws, but it has academic contributions and meaningfulness considering to construct the base of future studies, despite lack of related research. It's expected related future studies will be followed.

중국 東北工程과 우리의 대응

김우준(Kim, Woo-Jun) 백산학회 2008 白山學報 Vol.- No.80

Historically speaking, the rise of China meant pursuit of supremacy and it means a march toward becoming a global power even today. The issue is such that the pursuit of joining the rank of global power transcends China’s national boundary. As China often pursued expansionist policy or establishment of Great Chinese order in the region beyond simply exercising influence in the past, we must keep a close eye on the Chinese move. A neighbor to China becoming a global power, Korea faces the need to study the rise of China from the perspective of its influence on the Korean Peninsular and changes in the regional order of Northeast Asia since historical/territorial issues of the present and the future exist between the two nations. The socialist regime in China is bound to emphasize nationalism as a means of pursuing global hegemony, stressing the concept of “Greater China”, in order to lay down the basis of China as a ‘unified multi-national country’. China will stumble over inner chasm or conflict involving minorities in its march toward supremacy. That is why the regime has started the Northeast Project, claiming that all histories that once appeared in the Chinese territory of today are all Chinese history. National borders and boundaries have changed over time but the Chinese government makes an unreasonable claim in total disregard of such background and only on the basis of the present borderline. Some argue that the Northeast Project aims simply to address their inner issues, but, the truth is the other way around. Chinese regime has insisted stubbornly on ‘the Northeast Project’ as a part of its pursuit of supremacy with political motives. As a result, although the autonomy of academic community is not guaranteed in socialist regime, many groups are disagreeing with ‘the government-led Northeast Project.’ Their voices are heard in interviews and their claims substantiated in publications. Since ‘the Northeast Project’ contradicts the orthodox histories of the 25 Chinese dynasties and makes unreasonable interpretation of the historical relations between China and its neighboring nations, it fails to draw unanimous agreement even within China. As a conclusion, it is fair to say that ‘the Northeast Project’ has failed in academic terms, at the central government level and in the international arena. However, it still seems necessary to address continuously the distortion prevalent in the 3 northeastern provinces of China and the so-called ‘Post-Northeast Project’ led by local social science academies. Whether it is ‘the Northeast Project’ or its similar successor, simple academic response is not enough. In addition to counter argument by academic community and the press, the best recourse must come from the government. Furthermore, it is necessary to keep trying to engage China in a dialogue over history to resolve historical/territorial issues between China and Korea. The general public and the government must make significant efforts in support of historical research network between China and Korea, organizing joint historical research committee, negotiating joint history textbook, arranging joint historical site tour programs for the youth and convening regular workshops involving academic institutions of both countries in the future.

테러대응을 위한 시설경비안전도 함수에 관한 고찰

김우준(Kim, Woo Jun),이선제(Lee, Sun Je) 한국테러학회 2012 한국테러학회보 Vol.5 No.3

국제적으로 테러리즘에 의한 물리적 공격이 발생하고 있다. 이러한 추세에 따라 시설물을 안전하게 보호하는 안전책임자(CSO: Chief Security Officer)의 역할이 증대되고 있다. 따라서 시설물경비능력을 향상시키기 위해서는 시설물경비안전도를 판단할 필요가 있다. 이 연구는 대통령경호실에서 제시된 경호안전도함수를 기초로 하여 시설경비안전도 수치모델을 제시하는데 필요한 함수를 제공하여 국가중요시설, 군 주둔지, 경비경찰활동에 세부적인 정보를 제공하고 시설경비안전도를 체계적으로 판단 할 수 있도록 사전점검도구로 제공하는데 목적이 있다. 시설물경비에 영향을 주는 요인에 관하여 경비제반요소능력의 상승과 하향효과 관계를 사회과학적인 방법으로 접근하여 검증 및 도출하였고 최종적으로 함수관계로 고찰 한 결과 다음과 같이 시설물경비안전도함수를 도출하였다. 시설물경비안전도 함수를 통하여 국내 시설물 안전을 진단하고, 부족한 부분을 보완하여 테러공격으로부터 안전하도록 시설물안전도를 향상시키는데 기여할 수 있을 것이다. Terrorism became serious problem more and more around the world. The importance of CSO(Chief Security officer)'s ability has increased recently. It is needed that to check and confirm Facilities Security Level for improving Facilities Security ability. This study provides facilities security level function model considering the guard Function Model of the presidential security service. This Function Model can be used to detail information for National Critical Facilities, military base, Security Police activities and to estimate Facilities Security Level. This function model can contribute to diagnose Facilities Security Level, to make up for the weak points, to protect Facilities against the Terrorism.

주변 배경음에 강인한 구간 검출을 통한 음원 인식 및 위치 추적 시스템 설계

김우준(Woo Jun Kim),김영섭(Young Sub Kim),이광석(Gwang Seok Lee) 한국전자통신학회 2016 한국전자통신학회 논문지 Vol.11 No.8

본 논문은 비정상 상황 시 발생하는 음원에 대해 주변 환경 음에 강인한 음원 구간을 검출하여, 구간내의 신호를 이용한 음원 인식 과 위치 추적 시스템 설계에 관한 연구이다. 강인한 음원 구간 검출은 수신되는 오디오 신호로부터 단 구간 가중 평균 델타 에너지를 계산하여, 저역 통과 필터에 입력 후, 출력되는 결과 값들의 비교를 통해 배경음에 강인한 구간을 정의 하며, 음원 인식은 검출된 구간 내 데이터로부터 종래의 인식방법인 HMM(: Hidden Markov Model)을 이용해, 음원 인식 정보를 생성하여 학습 및 인식을 한다. 이는 주변 배경음이 포함된 음원 신호에 대해 기존 신호의 에너지를 이용해 구간을 검출 후, HMM을 통한 인식에 비해 3.94% 상향된 인식률을 보인다. 또한 인식 결과를 바탕으로 구간내의 신호간의 TDOA(: Time Delay of Arrival)를 이용한 위치 파악은 실제 발생 위치와의 각도와 97.44%일치함을 보인다. This paper is on a system design of recognizing sound sources and tracing locations from detecting a section of sound sources which is strong in surrounding environmental sounds about sound sources occurring in an abnormal situation by using signals within the section. In detection of the section with strong sound sources, weighted average delta energy of a short section is calculated from audio signals received. After inputting it into a low-pass filter, through comparison of values of the output result, a section strong in background sound is defined. In recognition of sound sources, from data of the detected section, using an HMM(: Hidden Markov Model) as a traditional recognition method, learning and recognition are realized from creating information to recognize sound sources. About signals of sound sources that surrounding background sounds are included, by using energy of existing signals, after detecting the section, compared with the recognition through the HMM, a recognition rate of 3.94% increase is shown. Also, based on the recognition result, location grasping by using TDOA(: Time Delay of Arrival) between signals in the section accords with 97.44% of angles of a real occurrence location.

조선족에 대한 한국과 중국의 역사적 인식 비교

김우준(Kim, Woo-Jun),정갑영(Chung, Kap-Young) 백산학회 2006 白山學報 Vol.- No.74

This study has investigated the significant differences in China’s and Korea’s perception of Korean Chinese. Although there is dispute within domestic academic circles, Korea sees the origins of Korean Chinese in the Gando settlers. Of course, within Korean academia there are those that deny the existence of aGando problem. Because China officially denies the existence of any problem over Gando ownership, China argues that Korean Chinese originated from cross-border immigrants. However as has been made clear, China’s Northeastern Project is proof that the Chinese government acknowledges existence of a dispute over Gando ownership and is preparing to defend their position. Note that due to Korea’s strong position on the dispute over the history of Goguryeo, China has shown hesitation on the Goguryeo issue. Inasmuch, the Chinese government has encouraged the Goguryeo issue to be resolved among academics of both countries. However, because Gando issue is a territorial problem of a highly sensitive nature, Chinese officials explain that the Chinese government has decided to deal with it officially. The problem of Korean Chinese is directly related to the Gando issue. In 1909 Japan and the Ch’ing Empire signed the Gando agreement paying no respect to the claims of the Korean people. By this agreement, Korean settlers of Gando and Gando itself became victims of Japanese imperial aggression and China’s Big Nation policy. As the People’s Republic of China was established in 1949 and Yan-bian Korean Ethnic Autonomous District established in 1955, Gando settlers inevitably became co-opted as Korean Chinese. Such history gives rise to today’s differences in perception and policy between the two countries over Korean Chinese. That is, while Korea sees Korean Chinese as Korean expatriates in China and is beginning to perceive them as subject to Korean law, China argues that Korean Chinese are an ethnic minority in China and citizens of the People’s Republic, and therefore tries to suppress disturbance and secession. This explains China’s “Three Perspectives Policy.” Furthermore, as Korea has been pushing for changes on the Korean peninsula since 1990, it may be interpreted that China has hurried to implement its Northeastern Project in preparation to control the Korean Chinese and deal with the Gando issue. Korean Chinese are closely tied to not only the Korea-China relations of the past and present, but of the future as well. As a unified Korea comes to border Gando, Gando itself and Korean Chinese become inevitably involved with the future of Korea. The boundary treaty signed by North Korea and China in 1962 should be reevaluated and judged by a unified Korea. As China grows in power, it is increasingly emphasizing the Chinese nation and is predicted to try to control ethnic minorities to a greater degree in the future. However, as a multiethnic China comes to grapple with the question of future stability or chaos, the issue of Korean Chinese and Gando is predicted to face change. As shown, the differences between Korea and China in the perception of Korean Chinese have persisted in the past and present, and are foreseen to continue for a while into the future. Theissue of Korean Chinese currently forms an axis of the dynamics between the two countries, and should do so in the future as well. Although differences in perception and understanding may exist between the two countries, Korea and China should work towards mutual understanding and cooperation to further the advancement of the Korean Chinese community.