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- 저자 : 김우상 (검색결과 117 건)
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김우상 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.2
Since the end of the Cold War the redistribution of capabilities among great powers in the Asia-Pacific region has occurred. A careful analysis of the changes in the regional distribution of power will enable us to forecast the stability of the regional systemic order. In this paper, based on several reports including "Foreign Policy into the 21st Century: The U.S. Leadership Challenge," prepared by the Center for Strategic & International Studies(CSIS), "America's National Interests" by the Commission on America's National Interests, "United States Security Strategy for the East Asia Pacific Region," written by Joseph Nye, and such other reports as EASI Ⅱ, Bottom Up Review, and Quadrennial Defense Review, I will investigate the U.S. strategic plan for Northeast Asian regional order into the 21st century. First of all, I examine the U.S. national interests in the region since the U.S. security strategy for the regional systemic order must be planned in accordance with its goal to maximize its national interests. Then, I provide its strategic plan for the regional order into the 21st century. There are basically three U.S. vital national interests in the Asia-Pacific region. First, the U.S. will do anything to prevent any single power from dominating the region. The U.S. will continue to play an important role in maintaining the existing regional systemic order set up mainly by itself and its allies. Second, the U.S. has a vital interest in ensuring continued commercial, political. and military access to and through the region. Third, the U.S. has a vital interest in halting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons and ballistic missile technology as well as chemical and biological weapons and technology. To protect these national interests the U.S. will strengthen its leadership in the Asia-Pacific region. First of all, the U.S. will maintain its bilateral military alliance relationship both with Japan and South Korea, and keep its current level of approximately 100,000 troops in Asia, most of whom are forward-stationed in Japan and South Korea. To maintain hegemonic leadership in the Asia-Pacific region, the U.S. must possess strong power projection capability in the region. The U.S. will also utilize its influence on such multilateral institutions as ASEAN Regional Forum(ARF), Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation(APEC), and the 'Four-Party Talks' among South and North Korea, China and the U.S. The U.S. will also support the spread of democracy in the region and promote the observance of human rights norms. The U.S. will try to abolish protectionism in the region and to promote international trade based on free market system. Recently, several Asian counties including South Korea are under serious financial difficulties and some of them have asked IMF and other financial institutions to bail them out. The U.S. will help stabilize economies of those countries in financial difficulties while inducing them to be more open and free market oriented. The U.S. will also try to integrate China into the regional economic order supported by the U.S. The U.S. will encourage China to be a part of the World Trade Organization(WTO) and press China to relax its export and import control system. To contain nuclear weapons and missile proliferation is directly related to the U.S. hegemonic leadership status in the international system. There are a couple of nations in Asia which might be obstacles to the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The U.S. will try to prevent North Korea, China and Russia from spreading those weapons and technology. The U.S. will also honor the Geneva Agreement with North Korea and play the major role in the 'Four-Way Talks.' The U.S. must want to maintain its military alliance relationship both with Japan and with South Korea in the 21st century. The U.S. and Japan has revised the Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation last September. The U.S.. by reinforcing its military ties with Japan. could not only check the potential Chinese challenge to its leadership in the region but also prevent Japan from becoming the dominant power in the region. The U.S. must also want to maintain its military ties with South Korea even after the Korean peninsula is unified. Even if the U.S. domestic public opinion is not so favorable to maintaining its formal alliance ties with Unified Korea. the U.S. government would make effort to keep its military ties with Unified Korea. The U.S. knows that in case it does not maintain its ties with Korea. Korea might go for a new alliance relationship with its threatening neighbor, the People's Republic of China. Neither the U.S. nor Japan would like to see that kind of situation happening in the Korea peninsula in the near future. The U.S.-Japan and the U.S.-Korea alliance ties must be the main skeleton of the U.S. security structure for Northeast Asian region in the 21st century. In addition. the U.S. will utilize such multilateral economic institution as APEC and other governmental or non-governmental multilateral security dialogues as ARF. "Four-Way Talks." and CSCAP. The U.S. will also make every effort to foster or establish such international regimes as NPT. MCTR. CTBT. or new regimes related to human rights or free trade. Finally, when the U.S. and South Korea formed military ties about 45 years ago, that alliance was an "autonomy-security trade-off' type of relationship. That is, the U.S. provided extended deterrence to Korea. and in return Korea gave out a part of its autonomy to the U.S. However, that asymmetric relationship between the U.S. and Korea changes more and more to a symmetric one. As the strategic importance of its ties with Korea increases in preventing China from becoming the dominant power in the region. the relationship between the U.S. and Korea becomes more and more equal. In the early part of the 21st century. therefore. it is expected that the U.S.-Korea alliance will be strengthened in a more equal basis.
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김우상 신아시아연구소 2023 신아세아 Vol.30 No.2
Theories of China-US hegemonic competition underscore the importance of the Republic of Korea (ROK)-US alliance. Given the implications of Organski’s power transition theory, Gilpin’s hegemonic war theory, the peaking power trap of Brans and Beckley, Mearsheimer’s offensive realism and offshore balancing, and several alliance theories, we expect that the ROK-US alliance will be strengthened and its credibility will be upgraded to the maximum level in the short-run. To demonstrate the credibility of extended deterrence, both sides will carry out regular and upgraded joint military exercises that include the mobilization of US strategic weapons and a beefed-up missile defense system. The ROK and the US will invite Japan to participate in joint military exercises to strengthen trilateral military cooperation as well. In the long-run, however, these theories suggest that the credibility of US alliance commitments may be reduced. The ROK government should be prepared for rainy days and, at some point, should try to acquire nuclear latency while maintaining compliance with the NPT treaty.
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ERP와 APS의 효과를 개선시킨 TOC-DBR 의 적용 사례
김우상,정남기 대한산업공학회 2008 대한산업공학회 춘계학술대회논문집 Vol.2008 No.5
ERP 시스템은 제조 부문에 적용되던 MRP 를 기반으로 경영 전 부문으로 확장된 정보 시스템이다. 국내외 많은 기업들이 ERP 시스템을 도입하여 적용하고 있지만, 적용 성과는 기대에 미치지 못하고 있다. 최근에는 이를 개선하기 위해 APS(Advanced Planning and Scheduling)를 도입하여 자원을 최적 활용하는데 기여하고 납기 준수를 도모하고 있다. TOC-DBR 은 ERP의 APS를 통합적으로 활용하여 전체 시스템 운영의 효과를 향상시킨다. 본 연구에서는 ERP, APS 시스템을 운영하는 제조기업에 TOC-DBR 을 적용한 사례를 소개한다. TOC-DBR 의 구현과정과 그 성과가 설명된다.
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