PPL에 대한 커뮤니케이션 정치경제학 해석

김영욱(Kim, Yungwook) 한국광고홍보학회 2017 한국광고홍보학보 Vol.19 No.1

지금까지 PPL에 대한 논의는 기능주의적인 효과성에 집중되어 왔지만, 이 논문은 커뮤니케이션 정치경제학 관점에서 PPL이 가지는 사회적인 의미를 비판적인 관점에서 해석해 보고자 하였다. 『자본론』에서 주장한 일반적인 노동과 마찬가지로 시청자의 시청시간은 노동으로 간주될 수 있으며, 방송사들은 노동 시간을 절대적 혹은 상대적으로 착취함으로써 이윤을 극대화하려고 노력한다. 특히 PPL 상황에서는 이러한 착취가 실질적인 노동 착취를 포함해서 이중적으로 일어난다는 데 문제의 심각성이 있다. 이러한 문제점에도 불구하고 PPL이 사회 전체적으로 자연스럽게 받아들여지는 데는 물신 숭배의 영향이 크다. 사람들은 상품을 통해 사회적인 인간관계를 대체해 나간다. 노동은 상품 속에서 해체되고 상품의 교환 가치만이 유일한 사회관계로 살아남는다. PPL은 이러한 상품의 물신 숭배를 통해서 노동으로서 시청이라는 사실은 무시되고 자연스러운 이윤 창출 도구로서 수용된다. 프로모션 사회는 이윤을 극대화하는 방향으로 노동의 유형과 무관하게 대상을 상품화하고 있으며, 이는 방송 광고의 자유 경쟁 체제를 주장하는 논리와는 무관하게 시청자의 복지를 약화시킬 수 있다는 점을 논의했다. Discussions about product placement were focused on functionalistic effectiveness until now. However, this paper attempts to critically interpret the social meaning of product placement using a communication political economic perspective. Viewers’ viewing time can be considered as labor defined in Karl Marx’s Capital. Broadcasting companies exploit this labor, either absolutely or relatively, in an effort to maximize profits. Situations in product placement are especially problematic in that exploitation occurs in every aspect. Despite this problem, product placement is generally accepted in society largely due to the process of fetishism. People now substitute social interpersonal relationships with products. Labor is forgotten in the presence of products, and exchange value is the sole representation of social relationships. Product placement, through the fetishism of products, hides the fact that viewing is a form of labor, and is accepted as a natural tool for generating profit. A promotion society commodifies entities, regardless of the form of labor, in order to maximize profits. This kind of commodification does not match with the logic which espouses free competition between commercials, and deteriorates the welfare of viewers in the long run.

미세먼지 대응 행동 촉진을 위한 메시지 구성 전략 탐색

김영욱(Yungwook Kim),이하나(Hannah Lee),김혜인(Haein Kim),문현지(Hyeonji Moon) 한국언론정보학회 2018 한국언론정보학보 Vol.92 No.-

이 연구의 목적은 미세먼지 위험 메시지가 개인의 대응 행동에 미치는 영향력을 검증하는 데 있다. 구체적으로, 미세먼지 발생에 대한 원인 귀인과 미세먼지 위험에 따른 결과의 불확실성 수준이라는 메시지 요인이 저감 행동 의도와 예방 행동 의도에 어떤 영향을 미치는지 살펴보았다. 또한, 이 과정에서 미세먼지 위험에 대한 심리적 거리감의 조절 효과와 불안 감정의 매개 효과가 유효한지 확인하였다. 연구 결과, 원인 귀인과 불확실성 수준이 행동 의도에 미치는 영향은 유의미하지 않았다. 한편, 메시지 효과에 대한 심리적 거리감의 조절 효과는 유의미한 것으로 나타났다. 구체적으로, 미세먼지 위험에 대한 심리적 거리가 가까운 경우에는 메시지 요인에 따른 예방 행동 의도의 차이가 통계적으로 유의하지 않았으나, 미세먼지 위험에 대한 심리적 거리가 먼 경우에는 외부 귀인 메시지를 받은 참가자보다 내부 귀인 메시지를 받은 참가자가 미세먼지 위험의 불확실성 수준에 민감하게 반응하였다. 마지막으로, 불안이라는 감정의 매개 효과는 저감 행동 의도 및 예방 행동 의도에서 모두 유의하게 나타나, 행동 동기를 자극하는 데 있어 감정의 역할이 중요함을 확인할 수 있었다. 본 연구의 결과는 미세먼지 위험 커뮤니케이션 전략을 수립하는 데 이론적·실무적으로 기여할 것으로 기대된다. The purpose of this research was to explore the effects of particulate matter risk messages on individual coping behaviors. Specifically, the research examined the effects of attribution about particulate matter formation and the level of uncertainty on risk reducing and preventing behaviors with focusing on the moderating effect of psychological distance and the mediating effect of anxiety. According to the results, both attribution and uncertainty did not significantly affect on behavioral intentions. On the other hand, there was a significant three-way interaction effect of attribution, uncertainty, and psychological distance on behavioral intentions. When psychological distance was perceived far, participants who received the internal attribution message responded sensitively to the level of uncertainty than participants who received the external attribution message. In addition, there was the statistically significant mediating effect of anxiety on both risk reducing and preventing behavior intentions, Based on the results, theoretical practical implications were discussed for establishing an effective particulate matter risk communication strategy.

〈세월호 특별법〉에 대한 의견구성에서 죽음 현저성이 의견극화와 이타적 행위의도에 미치는 영향

김영욱(Yungwook Kim),이지영(Jiyoung Lee) 한국언론학회 2016 한국언론학보 Vol.60 No.4

This study explored how mortality salience affects opinion polarization and pro-social behavior in the context of the Sewol ferry disaster that occurred in South Korea. This study, in particular, examined moderating effects of psychological distance and collectivism. By conducting an experiment among South Koreans who support the Sewol ferry special law and others who oppose to the special law, this study found that as people psychologically feel closer to the Sewol incident, they tend to more understand and embrace the victims of the incident by supporting the special law to be enacted as well as activating their pro-social behavior towards the victims. However, psychological distance did not moderate the relations among mortality salience, opinion polarization, and pro-social behavior. Collectivism brought out moderating effects among people who opposed to the special law, The results of the study indicated that collectivism functions in a detrimental way when it interacts with mortality salience. When people are exposed to their consideration of death, those who have a high level of collectivism tend to exclude out-group members while having in-group bias, thus resulting in favoring in-group members. Theoretical implications for applying the Terror Management Theory(TMT) to the South Korean context are further discussed.

코로나19에 대한 죽음 현저성이 정부 대응에 관한 의견양극화에 미치는 영향 : 선택적 노출의 매개효과와 정치적 성향의 조절효과 중심

김영욱(Yungwook Kim),김혜정(Hyejung Kim) 한국언론정보학회 2020 한국언론정보학보 Vol.104 No.-

본 연구는 코로나19에 대한 죽음 현저성이 정부 대응에 관한 의견양극화에 미치는 영향에서 선택적 노출의 매개효과와 정치적 성향의 조절효과를 분석하였다. 기존 연구들이 죽음 현저성에서 의견양극화로 이어지는 직접적인 관계를 검증한 것과 달리, 이 연구는 선택적 노출의 매개효과와 정치적 성향의 조절효과를 함께 분석하여 공포관리이론의 외연을 확장하고자 했다. 선택적 노출은 죽음 현저성으로 인한 내집단 편향을 정보탐색 관점으로 확장한 것이고, 정치적 성향은 코로나19 정부 대응이 정치적 맥락에서 해석될 수 있기 때문에 영향을 미칠 것으로 판단하였다. 연구 결과, 코로나19 정부 대응에 관한 일반적 평가에 대한 의견양극화에서만 선택적 노출의 매개효과와 정치적 성향의 조절효과가 유의하게 나타났다. 구체적으로, 정치적 성향이 보수일수록 코로나19 정부 대응에 관한 일반적 평가에 대해 자기 생각과 유사한 정보에 선택적으로 노출함으로써 의견양극화가 더욱 일어났다. 이러한 결과는 사람들이 코로나19 정부 대응에 관해 세부 정책을 체계적으로 고려하기보다 전반적으로 평가함으로써 의견을 형성한다는 것을 시사한다. 분석 결과에 근거하여 위험 커뮤니케이션 측면에서 이론적·실무적 함의를 제시하였다. This study investigated the effects of COVID-19 mortality salience on opinion polarization, focusing on the mediating roles of selective exposure and the moderating roles of political orientation. Previous studies that deal with mortality salience from the perspective of the terror management theory have focused on examining the direct relationship between mortality salience and opinion polarization. However, the current study expanded the scope of the theory by exploring additional relationships among the variables. Selective exposure extends in-group bias to a point of view of information seeking, and political orientation have some impact because governmental response to COVID-19 could be interpreted via political lens. As results, the mediating effects of selective exposure and the moderating effects of political orientation were significant only in the case of opinion polarization on the general assessment of governmental response to COVID-19. Specifically, the more conservative the political orientation is, the more polarized the opinion on the general assessment of governmental reactions by selectively exposing to information supporting one’s own previous attitude. It suggests that people evaluate the governmental response to COVID-19 by assessing it overall rather than systematically considering detailed policies. Theoretical and practical implications were discussed following the research results.

언론은 미세먼지 위험을 어떻게 구성하는가?

김영욱(Yungwook Kim),이현승(Hyunseung Lee),장유진(Youjin Jang),이혜진(Hyejin Lee) 한국언론학회 2015 한국언론학보 Vol.59 No.2

This study analyzes news coverage featured in five major Korean newspapers in order to explore media representations, frames, and news sources about particulate matter (PM10 & PM2.5). The results showed that the media, though covering particulate matter risks with accuracy and certainty, socially reconstructed particulate matter risks while functioning as a risk amplifying station. Furthermore, looking at news coverage about particulate matter from a marketing perspective, the study shows that the issue of particulate matter was used commercially. Also, the frame analysis results show that news coverage on the matter did not deeply analyze the particulate matter problem. Rather, it only conveyed simple information and countermeasures against particulate matter. Furthermore, the media also picked China as the biggest cause for particulate matter in matter. However, the emphasis on individual responses shows that there exists a gap between the cause and the effect. Finally, according to the results of the source analysis, several experts and the government were the main source of information for the media. This showed that there was a primary definition established in the media coverage on particulate matter. Using these results, this study discusses what the media should consider when dealing with risk reports.

세월호 침몰은 참사인가? 사고인가? -비판적 담론분석(CDA)을 적용한 세월호 담론 경쟁

김영욱 ( Yungwook Kim ),함승경 ( Seungkyung Ham ) 한국PR학회 2015 PR연구 Vol.19 No.4

A discourse struggles paradigm extends the analysis unit of PR communication to include social issues beyond the organization and contributes to expanding the field of public discussions through the discourse struggles among various social agents, while giving consideration to the socially disadvantaged. This study analyzed the Sewol ferry case with the discourse struggles as a framework of critical discourse analysis. The analysis results showed that the discourse that formed aggressive discourse practices is the one about the fact-finding investigations of bereaved families and civic groups, which got to form the meaning of the Sewol ferry case, while being reconstructed as tail cropping, special law and remembrance discourses. The competing discourses by period are also investigated. In the rescue period, the disaster discourse configured by bereaved families, civic groups and progressive media competed against the accident discourse produced by government and conservative media. In the responsibility investigation period, the discourse about the truth ascertainment of bereaved families, civic groups and progressive media competed with the discourse about the compensation of government and conservative media. And lastly, in the countermeasures period, the heated struggles continued between the discourse about the remembrance of bereaved families/civic groups and the one about the fatigue of the conservative media to obtain social support. At first, citizens who were shocked at the Sewol ferry case supported the disaster discourse of bereaved families who claimed the reformation with progressive ideologies. However, with the passage of time, they came to embrace the ideologies of individualism and negligence liability principles of the compensation and fatigue discourses, and therefore the center of hegemony was moved to the discourse of the government and conservative media.

미세먼지 위험을 둘러싼 공중 군집 분석 공중 세분화에 따른 위험 인식 및 관련 행동에 대한 차이점 도출

김영욱 ( Yungwook Kim ),이현승 ( Hyunseung Lee ),장유진 ( Youjin Jang ),이혜진 ( Hyejin Lee ) 한국PR학회 2016 PR연구 Vol.20 No.3

The first purpose of this study was to confirm the results of a previous in-depth interview, which was conducted to measure risk perceptions toward particulate matter among lay people. Another purpose of this study was to finalize possible public clusters and their characteristics based on risk perceptions toward particulate matter, and investigate differences of the level of risk perceptions and risk-related behaviors among public clusters. The survey results were in line with the results of risk perceptions toward particulate matter in the previous in-depth interview. The cluster analysis following the item reduction process indicated three distinctive public clusters, which include ‘China attributing cluster,’ ‘Risk optimistic cluster,’ and ‘Risk indulgent cluster.’ The three clusters with different demographic compositions and personal characteristics showed different levels of risk perception, preventive behavioral intention, policy-participating behavioral intention, and risk seeking and processing behaviors. Based on the results, communication strategies for each public cluster and theoretical ramifications were discussed.

미세먼지 어플리케이션 이용 효과 및 수용 요인에 대한 연구

김영욱 ( Yungwook Kim ),이하나 ( Hannah Lee ),김혜인 ( Haein Kim ),문현지 ( Hyeonji Moon ) 한국PR학회 2017 PR연구 Vol.21 No.4

The purpose of this research was to examine the effects of the app use and to explore the factors affecting the acceptance of a particulate matter app. First, an experiment was conducted to verify the effect of app usage. The study revealed that the participants who used the app made greater efforts to seek information about particulate matter, had stronger prevention intentions, and showed higher level of empowerment than those who did not use the app. Next, we investigated the factors influencing the acceptance of the app, based on the Extended Technology Acceptance Model and the Health Belief Model. As a result, the perceived usefulness had a significant influence on the app acceptance. Also, the perceived severity and subjective norm had significant impacts on improving the perceived usefulness. The results of this study can be used as a risk communication strategy using the particulate matter app.

병합 100년, 일본은 사과했는가?

김영욱(Yungwook KIM) 사단법인 언론과 사회 2011 언론과 사회 Vol.19 No.1

일본은 잘못된 과거사에 대한 정당한 사과를 통해서 역사적 굴레를 넘어서는 새로운 정체성을 창출할 수 있다. 하지만 그러한 정체성은 관련국들이 그 사과의 수사를 이해하고 받아들일 때만 가능하다. 이 연구는 일본의 과거사에 대한 공적 사과를 수사 유형에 따라 분석한 다음, 이러한 공적 사과가 얼마나 수사학적 측면에서 수용 가능한가를 해석해 보는 데 목적을 둔다. 이 연구는 지금까지 일본이 한국에 대해서 행했던 과거사 관련 사과 사례들을 모두 모아서 분석한 연구가 없었고, 한국의 입장에서 공적사과의 요건에 맞추어 점검해 본 연구도 드물었기 때문에 일정한 의미를 가진다. 빈도분석에 따르면 일본의 과거사 사과는 간접적 수정행위와 함께 유대감 표현과 같은 사과의 진정성이 결여된 수사 표현들을 많이 사용하고 있으며, 이러한 현상은 시기구분에서도 발전적인 양상을 보여주지 않는다. 사과의 수용 가능성을 분석한 결과에서도 일본의 과거사 사과는 수용 가능한 사과의 요건을 충족시키는 데 실패하였다. 일본은 구체적으로 과거의 잘못을 밝혀 후회하고 있지 않을 뿐 아니라 분명하게 책임을 떠안는 방법으로 사과하지도 않았다. 또한 과거행위를 되돌릴 수 있는 분명한 수정행위와 재발 방지에 대한 확신을 주지 못하고 있으며 피해자에 대한 충분한 보상과도 거리가 먼 사과를 하고 있다. 전체적으로 일본의 과거사 사과는 피해자와의 공감 형성에 실패하고 있다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 분석결과를 바탕으로 일본의 과거사 사과가 가지는 공적 사과의 함의에 대해서 논의했다. By genuinely apologizing for its past wrongdoing, Japan can escape its historical stigma and forge a new national identity. However, such a new identity can be formed only through the consent of Japan’s past victims. And in order to gain their consent, Japan must offer effective apologies to which they will be satisfied with. This research tries to analyze the rhetorical types of Japan’s apologies and investigate their effectiveness. Because there has neither been a research that analyzes historical cases which involve Japan’s apologies nor a research which analyzes what Koreans want from a public apology by Japan, this research possesses an importance unprecedented. According to frequency statistics, Japan’s apologies frequently contain indirect corrective actions, bond exposing expressions, and other rhetorical devices which lack genuine feelings and do not accomplish anything in constructing a new Japanese identity. These results showed persistence in diverse time frames. Also Japan’s apologies for its past misdeeds fail to satisfy the criteria for an acceptable apology according to the results. Japan does not express regret for its crimes. Japan does not even take responsibilities for its crimes. Furthermore, Japan’s promises for corrective actions and precautionary measures to be placed to prevent more wrongs in the future are untrustworthy. Finally, Japan’s apologies are far from being ample compensations to its victims. In short, Japan’s apologies for its past violations lack empathy with its victims. This research, using the results, discusses the implications and theoretical ramifications of Japan’s public apologies for its past atrocities.

한국인의 집단주의 성향과 귀인 성향, 그리고 위기 커뮤니케이션 수용 간의 관련성

김영욱(Yungwook Kim),박소훈(Sohun Park),차희원(Heewon Cha) 한국언론학회 2004 한국언론학보 Vol.48 No.4

The purpose of this study is to figure out the impact of the collectivism/individualism characteristic and the attributional propensity on the acceptance of crisis-related communications. The study surveyed 150 purposive samples to empirically test the relationships among research variables conceptualized through the literature review. The outcomes showed that the collectivistic characteristic and the attributional predisposition did not have any significant relationships. However, the collectivistic propensity is significantly related to the positive acceptance of crisis-related image restoration communications. People with the higher collectivistic character accepted the accommodative communication strategy more positively and evaluated the defensive communication strategy more negatively. Also the relationship between the attributional propensity and the acceptance of crisis-related image restoration messages was statistically significant. The more people attributed the crisis to the internal problem, the better the accommodative communication strategy was evaluated. The results implied that the Koreans preferred the accommodative communications in general. Other results also showcased the research implications for future study.