「IMF 시대」대미 외교의 방향

김성한 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

Ⅰ Korea's economic crisis has begun to force potentially important changes in the peace-building process on the Korean peninsula. The inauguration of President Kim Dae-jung under the financial crisis has led to a more conciliatory South Korean policy toward North Korea, thereby broadening public support in South Korea for the 'engagement' policy to North Korea while dampening desires for near-term Korean reunification. Recent developments on the Korean peninsula will require closer policy coordination between the United States and Korea on a broad range of issues including the KEDO process. Tactical coordination on such issues as food aid. progress in the pace of North-South relations, how to apply or relieve political and economic sanctions on North Korea, and how to respond to sudden economic and political changes in North Korea is exceedingly difficult, but critical. In order to make the Korea-U.S. policy coordination more effective, first of all, the Korean government needs to convince the U.S. government that the U.S. remain South Korea's ally rather than playing the role of a mediator between the two Koreas. The Clinton Administration could attempt to mediate between the two Koreas in the four-party peace process. Thus, Korea needs to. emphasize to the U.S. for instance, that the past data on North Korea's nuclear program be preserved and that the issue of North Korean missiles be dealt with not only in terms of their export problem but also of their development and deployment on the peninsula. Second. Korea and the U.S. should make all efforts to make their alliance enter a consolidation stage in which they frequently consult each other on bilateral as well as regional issues and seek agenda-building on the basis of shared democratic values between the two countries. In order to make it possible. Korea needs to well manage. through the political leadership. its relationship with China and the increasing cynicism of the conservative middle class to the U.S. Finally. on the basis of the mutual security alliance between Korea and the U.S.. a collective security system for the Northeast Asian region needs to be created. While bilateral security arrangements will remain the backbone of Northeast Asian security for a considerable period of time. the emerging new order raises the need for such a multilateral setting as the NEASED that was proposed by the Korean government in 1994. Korea should try to make it feasible and also actively participate in the multilateral activities at the track-II level. Ⅱ One important area where the interests coincide between the U.S. and Korea is one in which Korea. for the purpose of survival. and the U.S.. in order to protect its leadership, need an equilibrium within the region where Korea is located. An hegemonic order in Northeast Asia would threaten the U.S. leadership position as well as the political independence of Korea. However. the convergence of interests does not always guarantee policy coordination, since Korea and the U.S. can have different policy priorities. The resolution for the priority divergence between Korea and the U.S. can be achieved through redefinition of the alliance that is to be focused on regional priorities. In other words, both countries need to put their first priority on the strategic interests in Northeast Asia including the Korean peninsula. This is the way by which the global interest of the U.S. and the peninsular interest of Korea can be converged at the regional level. Thus, both countries should emphasize that the Korea-U.S. alliance. that was created to deter North Korea's military threat, will ultimately contribute to stability in Northeast Asia. and that the alliance will continue even after the threat from North Korea disappears. In addition. Korea and the C.S. should start preparing for crisis management in the case of North Korea's sudden collapse. Ⅲ Korea and the U.S. will have to begin consulting each other concerning the necessary steps to transform the alliance into the regional one. A key issue that is to be put on the table will be the role and force structure of the U.S. forces in unified Korea. Korea and the U.S. will have three options. They have to decide whether they will actually terminate the alliance by completely withdrawing American troops from Korea or preserve a reconfigurated alliance only with U.S. naval and air presence. or redefine their relationship toward an alliance for stability and interdependence with a token presence of ground forces together with the current level of naval and air forces. The first option of a complete withdrawal of American troops runs the risk of precipitating a power vacuum which is most likely to be filled either by China or Japan. and to trigger Sino-Japanese rivalry and arms race. Should Korea be left alone in the wilderness without an ally, there will arise mounting pressure for developing nuclear weapons in Korea. which could lead to a ''balance of terror." The second option of a reconfigurated alliance with naval and air presence can provide deterrence and reassurance to Korea to a certain degree. However. an alliance without U.S. ground forces cannot guarantee automatic American involvement in the emergency situation that could happen in Korea. In this case. the very credibility of American security commitment will be severely questioned politically. The last option of the alliance with a token U.S. ground force and naval/air forces can be a basis for deterring the rise of hegemonism in Northeast Asia and for preventing Korea from seeking a nuclear option. A small size (3000-5000) of U.S. ground forces in the southern part of Korea. far from the Chinese border. can play an effective hedge against the destabilizing forces and the uncertainty they will bring in Korea. However. this option requires a precondition, which is the Korean people's conviction that the U.S. has contributed to Korea's unification. Otherwise. the revitalizing task of the Korea-U.S. alliance will face insurmountable obstacles.

비포화대 지연배수 효과를 고려한 지하수위 변동모델의 개선 및 적용

김성한,박은규,김용성,김남진,Kim, Seong-Han,Park, Eun-Gyu,Kim, Yong-Sung,Kim, Nam-Jin 한국지하수토양환경학회 2011 지하수토양환경 Vol.16 No.3

Recently, a physically based model of water-table fluctuation due to precipitation is developed based on aquifer water balance model. In the model, it was assumed that the water infiltration into ground surface is advection dominant and immediately reaches to water-table. The assumption may be suited for the sites where the water-table is shallow and/or the permeability of the unsaturated zone is high. However, there are more cases where the model is not directly applicable due to thick and low permeable unsaturated zone. For the low permeability unsaturated zone, the pattern of water flux passing through unsaturated zone is diffusive as well as advective. In this study, to improve the previously developed water-table fluctuation model, we combined the delayed drainage model, which has long been used in well hydraulics, to the water-table fluctuation model. To test the validity of the development, we apply the developed model to 5 different domestic sites. The model parameters are calibrated based on the groundwater hydrograph and the precipitation time series, and the correlation analyses among the parameters are pursued. The overall analyses on the delineated model parameters indicate that the delayed drainage parameters or delay index used in the developed model are able to reveal drainage information in the unsaturated zones.

고구려의 건국과 현도군

김성한 ( Kim Sung-han ) 호남사학회 2021 역사학연구 Vol.84 No.-

前漢 武帝는 고조선을 멸망시키고 1년 뒤인 기원전 107년에 沃沮城을 치소로 하여 玄菟郡을 설치하고, (제1현도군), 沃沮와 濊貊 지역을 그 영역으로 했다. 기원전 75년 직전 遼東의 烏桓이 반란을 일으키자, 前漢은 三輔 및 郡國의 불량소년과 죄지은 관리를 징발하여 遼東에 주둔하게 하고 遼東에 玄菟城을 쌓고 현도군을 옮겨와 (제2현도군) 烏桓의 침입에 대비했다. 제2현도군은 토착세력인 句驪가 위치한 지역에 자리했기 때문에 句驪의 이름을 따서 그 지역을 句驪縣이라 하고 郡의 治所로 삼았다. 토착세력인 句驪는 前 漢으로부터 처음에는 縣級인 ‘侯’로 대우받았다가, 桓帝 때 烏桓이 투항하자 그 공로를 인정받아 桓帝의 뒤를 이은 元帝 建昭 2년(B.C. 37)에 郡級인 ‘王’으로 승격된 것으로 보인다. 『三國史記』에서 고구려가 기원전 37년에 건국된 것으로 표방한 것도 이 때문이었을 것이다. 이때 句驪는 前漢으로부터 ‘高’를 姓으로 사여 받아 국호를 句驪에서 高句驪로 변경했을 것이며, 前漢은 高句驪王에게 그 신분에 걸맞게 鼓吹伎人과 朝服을 사여했던 것이다. 이때 玄菟郡의 句驪縣도 高句 驪縣으로 명칭이 변경되어, 전한 말기의 상황을 전하는 『漢書』 地理志에 高句驪로 기재되었던 것이다. 그 뒤 고구려는 新나라를 건국한 王莽이 자신을 징발하여 匈奴를 정벌하려 하자, 기원후 12년 무렵 이에 반항하여 제2현도군의 경계를 벗어나 자립했다. 新나라의 뒤를 이은 後漢은 자립한 高句驪와 관계를 유지하기 위해 ‘王’의 호칭을 인정하고 제2현도군의 동쪽 경계에 幘溝漊라는 작은 城을 쌓아 高句驪로 하여금 歲時에 朝服과 衣幘을 가져가게 했던 것이다. e year after destroying Gojoseon, in 107 BC, Emperor Wu of the Western Han Dynasty, established Hyeondo (Xuantu) Commandery (First Hyeondo Commandery) with Okjeo Fortress as its ruling place, and put Okjeo and Yemaek under its jurisdiction. Shortly before 75 BC, when the Wuhuan of Liaodong revolted, the Western Han drafted delinquent youths and criminal officials from the metropolitan and provincial areas into the army and stationed them in Liaodong. It also relocated Hyeondo Commandery to Liadong (Second Hyeondo Commandery), with the construction of Hyeondo Fortress there to prepare against the invasion of the Wuhuan. As the Second Hyeondo Commandery was located in the area where the Guryeo, the indigenous tribe, resided, the area was named Guryeo County after this tribe and made the ruling place of the commandery. Guryeo was initially treated as a “hu,” which was equivalent to a county, by the Western Han, but as the Wuhuan surrendered during the reign of Emperor Huan, it was promoted to a “wang” (principality) that corresponded to a commandery in recognition of its contribution to the victory in 37 BC (second year of Jianzhao) during the reign of Emperor Yuan who succeeded Emperor Huan. This may be the reason why it is recorded in Samguk Sagi (History of the Three Kingdoms) that Goguryeo was founded in 37 BC. Around this time, the Guryeo was given “Go as their surname from the Western Han and changed their country’s name from Guryeo to Goguryeo, with musicians and performers granted by the emperor in celebration or its elevated status. At this time, the name of Guryeo County in Hyeondo Commandery was also changed to Goguryeo County, which appears in the “Treatise on Geography of the Book of Han that describes the situation of the late Western Han. Then, when Wang Mang, the founder of the Xin Dynasty, tried to subjugate the Xiongnu by mobilizing the people of Goguryeo, it rose up against the policy around 12 AD and became independent outside the boundaries of the Second Hyeondo Commandery. The Later Han Dynasty that succeeded the Xin Dynasty, recognized the title of wang” to maintain relations with the independent Goguryeo, and built a small fortress called Chaekguro Fortress on the eastern border of the Second Hyeondo Commandery where it bestowed o&cial uniforms, clothes and headwears on the people of Goguryeo at special occasions.

DFB 레이저의 통합된 설계 변수로서의 광자 분포 중심 II : ${\lambda}$/4 위상 천이 구조

김성한,김상배,Kim, Sung-Han,Kim, Sang-Bae 대한전자공학회 1999 電子工學會論文誌, D Vol.d36 No.12

QWS-DFB 레이저에서 단일 주파수 동작 안정성을 결정하는 문턱 이득 차이와 축 방향 광자 분포, 균일성을 동시에 나타내는 통합된 설계 변수로서 광자 분포 중심을 정의하고, 이 광자 분포 중심이 문턱 이득 차이와 광자 분포의 균일성과 어떻게 연관되는지를 유효 굴절률 전달 매트릭스 방법으로 보였다. 또, 이로부터 단일 주파수 동작 안정성을 최대화하는 설계 원칙을 제시하였다. 그리고 이 설계 원칙을 적용한 예로서 100% 단일 주파수 동작 수율을 보이는 결합계수의 범위를 넓힌 ,sampled grating QWS-DFB 레이저 구조를 제안하였다. 이 레이저 구조는 단일 주파수 동작을 하는 결합계수의 범위가 좁다는 QWS-DFB 레이저의 문제점을 해결하는 길을 제시하였다. Center of photon mass, defined as the center of axial photon distribution in each half, is proposed as a unified design parameter in quarter wavelength shifted(QWS) DFB lasers. Shown is the way the parameter is related to the threshold pain difference and uniformity in axial photon density, which determine single-frequency stability of DFB lasers. Also, a general rule for single-frequency DFB laser design is presented. Using the design rule, we propose a sampled grating QWS-DFB laser that has a wider $_KL$ range 0f 100% single-frequency yield.

DFB 레이저의 통합된 설계 변수로서으 광자 분포 중심 I : 저 반사면-고 반사면 구조

김성한,김상배,Kim, Sung-Han,Kim, Sang-Bae 대한전자공학회 1999 電子工學會論文誌, D Vol.d36 No.12

저 반사면-고 반사면 DFB 레이저에서 발전 모드의 문턱이득과 축 방향 광자 분포 균일성을 동시에 나타내는 통합된 설계 변수로서 광자 분포 중심(CPM, conter of photon mass)을 제안하였다. 이러한 통합된 설계 변수가 필요한 것은 발진 모드의 문턱이득과 광자 밀도의 최대값과 최소값의 비, 즉 광자 밀도 비가 서로 독립적이지 않고 깊이 연관되어 있기 때문이다. 제안된 CPM은 발진 모드의 문턱이득과 반비례 관계에 있으며, 그 값이 0.5일 때 축 방향 광자 분포가 가장 균일하다. 또 문턱이득 차이는 주 모드의 CPM과 곁 모드의 CPM은 0.5로 맞추어 광자 분포를 균일하게 하고 곁 모드의 CPM은 최소화하여 주 모드와의 문턱이득 차이를 크게 해야 한다. 이를 위하여는 조절 가능한 회절격자 구조 변수가 더 필요한데 sampled grating이 그 수단으로 제시되었으며, 문턱이득 차이를 증가시키는 데에 사용될 수 있음을 보였다. Center of photon mass(CPM), defined as the center of axial photon distribution, is proposed as a unified design parameter, which contains information about both threshold gain and nonuniformity of axial photon distribution in DFB lasers with low and high-reflection facets. The CPM is inversely proportional to threshold gain and is 0.5 when axial photon distribution is the most uniform. Therefore, a general rule of single-frequency leser design is that main mode CPM should be around 0.5 for-uniform axial photon distribution and side mode CPM should be minimized to maximize the threshold gain difference.

전방 경추 유합술에서의 PCB System의 임상적 경험

김성한,김호진,강재규,도종웅,이춘대,Kim, Sung Han,Kim, Ho Jin,Kang, Jae Kyu,Doh, Jong Oung,Lee, Chun Dae 대한신경외과학회 2001 Journal of Korean neurosurgical society Vol.30 No.10

Objective : The purpose of the study was to evaluate the clinical and radiological results after discectomy and Lubboc bone graft in the surgical management of the cervical diseases with a new titanium interbody implant and integrated screw fixation(PCB) by anterior approach. Methods : The authors retrospectively analyzed 28 cases of anterior cervical fusion with PCB system and Lubboc bone(xeno graft) from september 1998 to december 2000. Twenty-eight patients with cervical diseases underwent decompression cervical lesion and followed from 5 to 27 months with a mean follow-up of 14 months. There patients were evaluated with clinically and radiologically at immediate postoperative period and at 3, 6, 9, and 12 months. Result : The authors investigated the pre- and postoperative intervertebral disc space, clinical outcomes, radiography fusion rate, and Cobb angle in the fixed segments by anterior approach. The lordotic angles and height of disc space were increased after the operation. The clinical outcome of patients follow-up was good or excellent result based on Odom's criteria with improvement of clinical symptom in about 92.9% of the cervical diseases. Two patients showed loosening of the lower and upper cervical screw of PCB instruments, and two patients showed swallowing difficulty and wound infection Conclusion : The PCB system is a new implant for anterior cervical interbody fusion in the degenerative cervical disease and disc herniations. It provides immediate stability and segment distraction. The results of this study indicate that the PCB system is safe, easy handling of hardware, less complications, high fusion rate, and has provide the keeping the intervertebral disc space height and lordotic angles.

한미동맹체제와 주한미군 : 역할 변화의 모색

김성한 한국전략문제연구소 1999 전략연구 Vol.6 No.1

Ⅰ. In 1995, the U.S. Department of Defense published the United States Security Strategy for the East Asian Region, which spelled out the security details for the Clinton Administration's strategy of 'engagement' and 'enlargement' in the East Asian region. The U.S. security strategy for East Asia, enumerated in the EASR, aims at maintaining the leadership role of the U.S. in the region through the four specific measures: 1) revitalizing the alliance with Japan: 2) engaging China: 3) consolidating the alliance with South Korea: and 4) combining bilateralism with multilateralism. The primary means for this strategy is the forward-deployed U.S. forces of about 100,000 in the region. Under the strategic framework, it. is important whether the interests of the U.S. and of Korea converge with each other. One important area where the interests coincide is one in which Korea, for the purpose of survival and the U.S. in order to protect its leadership, need an equilibrium within the region where Korea is located. An hegemonic order in Northeast Asia would threaten the U.S. leadership position as well as the political independence of Korea. Since the equilibrium most conducive to Korea's political autonomy is based on continued U.S. participation in the East Asian security system, Korea will continue to prefer to manage the regional equilibrium in alliance with the U.S. However, the convergence of interests does not always guarantee policy coordination, since Korea and the U.S. can have different policy priorities. This is shown in their North Korea policy. The first priority of the Clinton Administration's North Korea policy lies at the global level where the U.S. deals with North Korea to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction to other regions. The second priority is based on the regional level in that the U.S. policy to North Korea is interconnected with its policy of' checking' China. At the level of the Korean peninsula, which is the last priority, the U.S. must reduce the tension between the two Koreas in order to prevent the outbreak of a war on the peninsula and must also seek the ways by which the sudden collapse of North Korea can be successfully managed. On the other hand, Korea's priorities in its North Korea policy are in the reverse order. The Korean government is more concerned with how to harmonize and speed up the progress of improving the relationship of Washington-Pyongyang with that of Seoul-Pyongyang. The problem has been that North Korea has yet to start restoring trust with South Korea, though it has been vigorous in carrying out negotiations with Washington. If the U.S.-North Korea negotiations proceed abreast with the improvement of relations between Seoul and Pyongyang, Korea - U.S. relations will remain smooth, but otherwise, their relations will face various complexities. In this respect, the importance of cooperation between Korea and the U.S. is emphasized. The resolution for the priority divergence between Korea and the U.S. can be achieved through redefinition of the alliance that is to be focused on regional priorities. In other words, both countries need to put their first priority on the strategic interests in Northeast Asia including the Korean peninsula. This is the way by which the global interest of the U.S. and the peninsular interest of Korea can be converged at the regional level. Thus, both countries should emphasize that the Korea-U.S. alliance, that was created to deter North Korea's military threat, will ultimately contribute to stability in Northeast Asia, and that the alliance will continue even after the threat from North Korea disappears. In addition, Korea and the U.S. should start preparing for crisis management in the case of North Korea's collapse. As a measure of redefining the Korea-U.S. alliance, both countries need to announce the "Joint Security Declaration" as soon as Korea's new administration is inaugurated in February 1998. The Declaration will contain the following ideas: 1) The Korea-U.S. alliance is still valid in tills post-Cold War period; 2) Korea and the U.S. will continue to cooperate to induce North Korea to, conduct a gradual reform; 3) The alliance will develop into the 'regional' alliance that will take the role of promoting regional peace and stability in Northeast Asia after Korea's unification. However, both countries should not miss pointing out that Northeast Asian security structure should advance toward multilateralism, since this kind of a joint action could provoke China. After the joint declaration is made, Korea and the U.S. will have to begin consulting each other concerning the necessary steps to transform the alliance into the regional one. A key issue that is to be put on the table will be the role and force structure of the U.S. forces in unified Korea. Ⅱ. Korea and the U.S. will have three options. They have to decide whether they will actually terminate the alliance by completely withdrawing American troops from Korea or preserve a reconfigurated alliance only with U.S. naval and air presence, or redefine their relationship toward an alliance for stability and interdependence with a token presence of ground forces together with the current level of naval and air forces. The first option of a complete withdrawal of American troops runs the risk of precipitating a power vacuum which is most likely to be filled either by China or Japan, and to trigger Sino-Japanese rivalry and arms race. Should Korea be left alone in the wilderness without an ally, there will arise mounting pressure for developing nuclear weapons in Korea, which could lead to a "balance of terror." The second option of a reconfigurated alliance with naval and air presence can provide deterrence and reassurance to Korea to a certain degree. However, an alliance without U.S. ground forces cannot guarantee automatic American involvement in the emergency situation that could happen in Korea. In this case, the very credibility of American security commitment will be severely questioned politically. The last option of the alliance with a token U.S. ground force and naval/air forces can be a basis for deterring the rise of hegemonism in Northeast Asia and for preventing Korea from seeking a nuclear option. A small size (3000-5000) of U.S. ground forces in the southern part of Korea, far from the Chinese border, can play an effective hedge against the destabilizing forces and the uncertainty they will bring in Korea. However, this option requires a precondition, which is the Korean people's conviction that the D.S. has contributed to Korea's unification. Otherwise, the revitalizing task of the Korea-U.S. alliance will face insurmountable obstacles.

VR활용 건설안전교육의 학습전이 의도 영향요인 분석 : 과업기술적합성 이론을 중심으로

김성한(Kim, Sung Han),임춘성(Leem, Choon Seong) 글로벌경영학회 2020 글로벌경영학회지 Vol.17 No.3

최근 기존 동영상 교육 기반의 건설업 안전교육의 낮은 효과성을 극복하기 위해 VR을 활용한 건설 안전교육이 주목을 받고 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 기존 신기술의 도입이 개인 성과 및 도입의도에 미치는 영향을 분석하기 위해 자주 사용된 과업기술적합성 이론을 통해 VR 기술이 안전교육 수강자의 인식, 교육 만족도, 학습전이 의도에 미치는 영향을 분석하고자 한다. 이를 위해 본 연구는 VR 안전교육 수강 경험이 있는 총 168개의 설문을 수집하였으며, 변수들 간의 인과관계 파악을 위해 PLS-SEM 기법을 통해 분석하였다. 분석 결과, VR의 선명도와 상호성이 교육 수강자의 과업기술적합성에 영향을 미쳤으며, 과업기술적합성은 교육 만족도와 학습전이 의도에 유의미한 영향을 미쳤다. 본 연구의 결과는 VR 안전교육 콘텐츠 및 기술의 효과적인 개발과 VR 안전교육의 확산에 도움이 될 것으로 기대된다. VR-based safety training is gaining attention in the construction industry to replace the traditional video-based or face-to-face safety training. The purpose of this research is to provide implications that could help the effective development of VR safety training contents and accelerate the diffusion of VR-based construction safety training. This research analyzes the effect of task-technology fit on training satisfaction and training transfer intention. Also, the effect of VR features, such as vividness and interactivity, on task-technology fit is analyzed. This research gathered data through a survey. A total of 168 valid samples with experience of VR-based construction safety training were used for the analysis. We tested our hypothesis using PLS-SEM method. The results showed that task-technology fit had a significant effect on training transfer intention both directly and indirectly through training satisfaction. Also, both the technological features of VR, vividness and interactivity, had a significant effect on the task-technology fit. The results of our study show that task-technology fit is critical in improving the effectiveness of the VR-based construction safety training. Therefore. VR content developers must focus on understanding the needs of the construction workers and focus their content to help them fulfill these needs. Also, technological advances are required to reenact the real world in the virtual environment.

Changing ROK-U.S. Alliance : A Korean Perspective

SUNG-HAN KIM(김성한) 고려대학교 평화연구소 2007 평화연구 Vol.15 No.2

북한의 위협이 부재한 가운데서도 한국과 미국은 서로를 필요로 하는가? 만약 그렇다면, 변화하는 국제 환경에 대처하기 위해 양국 관계의 근간, 목적, 성격 및 실행 또한 변화해야 하는가? 이러한 질문에 답하기 위해 본고는 한미동맹이 맞닥뜨리고 있는 문제들을 규명하고 아시아~태평양 지역의 전략적 맥락속에서의 한미동맹을 구상해보도록 한다. 구체적으로 본고에서는 한미동맹이 대처해야 하는 네가지 도전들에 대해 언급한 뒤, 이들의 정책적 함의를 논한다. 또한 한미동맹의 미래에 관하여는 네가지 시나리오를 제시하고 각각 이들의 가능성을 타진해본다. South Koreans increasingly are asking whether South Korea and the United States continue to need each other in the absence of threats from the North, and, if so, whether the basis, purpose, character, and conduct of their relationship should change to meet new international challenges. This paper explores these issues by explicating the challenges the ROK-U.S. alliance faces and envisioning the alliance within the strategic context of the Asia-Pacific region. This paper identifies four major challenges facing the ROK-U.S. alliance and discusses the policy implications of these challenges. Regarding the future direction of the ROK-US. alliance, this paper suggests and evaluates the likelihood of four different scenarios.

종차별주의 옹호 논변에 대한 대응

김성한(Sung Han Kim) 철학연구회 2007 哲學硏究 Vol.0 No.79