부산시의 계급구조 분석 시론

金錫俊 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1985 社會科學論叢 Vol.4 No.1

The purpose of this study is to analyze the class structure in Pusan City considering its rapid urbanization. In this study, the class structure in Pusan City is classified into three classes - capitalist, petty bourgeoisie, working class. Then, the proportion of each class and its change in class structure is presented by analysing census and economically active population data. The main findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the proportion of the capitalist in the class structure in Pusan City has gradually decreased since in 1966. The proportion of the petty bourgeoisie had fluctuated but has gradually increased ; that of the working class has decreased since in 1980. Second, working class occupies relatively large proportion in Pusan City compared with other cities in Korea. Furthermore, the proportion of the productive laborers in this working class is very large, while that of the salary-men is relatively small. Third, the proportion of urban petty bourgeoisie has increased absolutely and relatively since in 1980, even if the degree of increase in not very large. This interesting phenomenon is contrasted with the result of the other study. In this study, besides such a rough analysis of the class structure in Pusan city, explanations about the inner composition of each class, their socio-economic conditions and interrelations between classes/strata are attempted very tentatively. By the way, this study in itself cannot go beyond a preliminary approach, so it needs to be supplemented by more theoretical/empirical researches.

20세기 초 中國의 고대 그리이스 文化 熱風

김석준 중앙대학교 외국어문학연구소 2002 외국학연구 Vol.- No.6

注文島,乶音島 및 阿此島의 植生

金錫俊 건국대학교 1987 論文集 Vol.25 No.1

The vegetation of Jumun-do, Borum-do and Acha-do islets were investigated for 5 days from July 28 through August 1, 1985. In order to analyze the vegetations of these islets, their forest structures, profile diagrams and actual vegetation maps were prepared. Vascular plants of Jumun-do, Borum-do and Acha-do islets, respectively, consist of 2 forma, 37 varieties, 213 species, 190 genera and 77 families; 3 forma, 31 varieties, 201 species, 190 genera and 76 families. Evergreen broadleaf tree was distributed scarecely and only 2 species of Euonymus japonica and Lonicera japonica. Acquatic plants ovserved in these three islets consist of 14 species, with 8 species of pteridophyta and 15 species of natralized plants. The average value of the coefficient of cryptogam (Pte-Q ) and the Urbanization Index(UI), which indicates the destruction of these of natural vegetation of three thesse islets was 0.58 and 13.6, respectively. The quotient of similarity value of Tracheopyta and naturalized plants was more than 0.45 and 0.57 in these three islets, respectively. Both Jumun-do and Borum-do islets were divided into three stand units of Pinus thunbergii, Pinus densiflora and Pinus rigida forests. Pinus thunbergii was the dominant species in both of the islets and the sh rub layer in these forests was dominated by Lespedeza bicolor and Zanthoxylum schinifolium, while Carex humilis and Miscanthus sinensis var purpurascens were the dominant species of the herb layer. The stand unit of the Acha-do was Pinus densiflora forest. The shrub layer in this forest was do-minated by Lespedeza bicolor and Robinia pseudo-acacia, while Miscanthus sinensis var. purpurascens were the dominant species of the herb layer. It may be considered that random lumbering was made to supply firewood and charcoal for th-emselves and from these Islets to the neighboring cities (Inchon and Kanghwa area) for several years after the end of World War II and their natural vegetations also were badly destructed during the Korean War of 1950. Comparing the coefficient of cryptogam(Pte-Q) and the Urbanization Index(UI) of these islets with those of other islet and korean peninsula, the formers shows lower degree on green naturality than the letters, on the whole.

政策認知와 私人主義的 行政機關接觸에 關한 實證的 考察

김석준 한국사회사업대학 지역사회개발연구소 1979 地域社會開發論叢 Vol.2 No.-

1. The objectives of this study are to explain the residents attitudes' for policy and administrative agencies. For the purpose, the author intends to analysis and to varify the relationship between independent variables and dependent variables. The formers are such as formal education, age, mass media, training, administrative support and consciousness development, the latters are such as policy concern, policy perception, policy participation, policy expectation and personal attitudes. 2. The relationship between Policy Concern and Independent Variables. The first, correlation coefficient between formal education and policy concern is r=0.62, and to test the significance of correlation coefficient by the method of analysis of variance, F=154.8>F_(α)=9.76 The third, correlation coefficient between mass media and policy concern is r=0.47, F=70.31>F_(α)=6.76 The forth, correlation coefficient between training and policy concern is r=0.75, F=318.86>F_(α)=6.76 The fifth, correlation coefficient between administrative supports and policy concern is r=0.78, F=385.3<F_(α)=6.76 The sisth, correlation coefficient between consciousness development and policy concevn is r=0.82, F=599.02>F_(α)=6.76 3. The relationship between Policy Perception and Independent Variables. The first, correlation coefficient between formal education and policy perception is r=0.52, F=91.91>F_(α)=6.76 The second, correlation coefficient between age and policy perception is r=0.39, F=44.84>F_(α)=6.76 The third, correlation coefficient between mass media and policy perception is r=0.35, F=34.62>F_(α)=6.76 The forth, correlation coefficient between training and policy perception is r=0.64, F=172.05>F_(α)=6.76 The fifth, correlation coefficient between administrative supports and plicy perception is r=0.58, F=125.72>F_(α)=6.76 The sisth, correlation coefficient between consciousness development and policy perception is r=0.61, F=146.97>F_(α)=6.76 4. The realtionship between Policy Participation and Independent Variables. The first correlation coefficient between formal education and policy participation is r=0.30, F=24.52>F_(α)=6.76 The second, correlation coefficient between mass media and policy participation is r=0.37, F=39.34>F_(α)=6.76 The third, correlation coefficient between mass media and policy participation is r=0.43, F=56.26>F_(α)=6.76 The forth, correlation coefficient between training and policy participation is r=0.57, F=119.35>F_(α)=6.76 The fifth, correlation coefficient between administrative supports and policy participation is r=0.59, F=132.42>F_(α)=6.76 The sisth, correlation coefficient between consciousness development and policy participation is r=0.51, F=87.18>F_(α)=6.76 5. The relationship between Policy Expectation and Independent Variables. The first, correlation coefficient between formal education and policy expectation is r=0.46, F=66.56>F_(α)=6.76 The second, correlation coefficient between age and policy expectation is r=0.40 F=47.23>F_(α)=6.76 The third, correlation coefficient between mass media and policy expectation is r=0.62, F=74.24>F_(α)=6.76 The fifth, correlation coefficient between administrative supports and policy expectation is r=0.60, F=139.5>F_(α)=6.76 The sixth, correlation coefficient between consciousness development and policy expectation is r=0.57, F=119.35>F_(α)=6.76 6. The relationship between Personal Attitude and Independent Variables. The first, correlation coefficient between formal education and personal attitude is r=-0.1737, F=7.71>F_(α)=6.76 The second, correlation between age and personal attitude is r=0.1214, F=3.71<F_(α(α=0.01))=6.76, F=3.71<F_(α(α=0.06))=3.89; r is not significant. The third, correlation coefficient between mass media and personal attitude is r=0.0453, F=0.509<F_(α(α=0.06))=3.89; i is not significant. The forth, correlation coefficient between training and persoral attitude is r=0.0625, F=0.969<F_(α(α=0.06))=3.89; r is not significant. The fifth, correlation coefficient between administrative supports and personal attitude is r=0.1907, F=9.35>F_(α(α=0.01))=6.76 The sixth, correlation coefficient between consciousness development and personal attitude is r=0.1454, F_(α(α=0.01))=6.76>F=5.35>F_(α(α=0.01))=3.89 7. Accordingly, independent variables are somewhat correlated to policy concern, policy perception, policy participation and policy expection, but those are not correlated to personal attitude. This means that Korean rural society is alike to the Prismatic Society of Fred. W. Riggs, which is in the changing stage from fused society (or agricultural society) to diffracted society (or industrial society). Byt the modernization which includes factors such as formal education, age, mass media, training, administrative supports and consciousness development, the consciousness of rural residents such as policy concern, policy perception, policy participation and policy expectation are deeple effected, but their behavior (or action) such as personal contact to the administrative agencies is not effected. This means that rural residents are deeple changed in their consciousness, but their behavior (or action) is not changed at the same degree as their consiousness because of their heritage, Confucianism.

은허서계청화소고(殷虛書契菁華小考)(2)

김석준 한국중문학회 1983 中國文學硏究 Vol.1 No.1

한국의 국가재창조와 정부개혁 프로그램

김석준 梨花女子大學校 社會科學大學 社會科學硏究所 2000 사회과학연구논총 Vol.4 No.-

본 연구는 20세기 산업화 4세대 국가에서 21세기 정보화 국가로 전환하는 한국의 국가가 시민사회, 정치 사회, 및 자본과 맺고 있는 관계 틀을 재정립하고,나아가 세계체제와의 관계도 새롭게 구성하며 내부적으로 국가기구의 조직이나 관리방식을 근본적으로 바꾸는 국가재창조의 필요성과 구체적인 프로그램에 대해 정책 적인 비전과 방향을 처방적으로 제시한 연구이다 이를 위해 국가혁신, 정부혁신, 및 정부관리혁신의 3차원에 걸친 국가재창조의 노력과 프로그램의 집행이 필요함을 밝히고 있다. 특히 이 과정에 서구의 신자유주의적인 관리혁신의 프로그램들이 보완적으로 우리에게 활용될 수 있지만 국가의 기본 틀에 해당하는 국가와 시민사회 및 자본의 관계에 대한 모델은 영미형이나 대륙형 가운데 하나를 선택하기보다는 우리에게 적합한 상호 균형과 경쟁모형이 바람직함을 밝히고 있다. 또한 바람직한 국가 상과 역할 및 정부의 기능 변화의 방향에 대하여서도 구체적인 내용을 제시하고 있다. This study intends to suggest the visions and programs of reinventing the Korean state and its reform programs in the 21 Century. Its basic role should be readjusted in terms of its position in the global capitalization context by shifting from the 'fourth' generation of industrialization(late late industrializer) to the 'first' generation of information age. Reinventing the State should be conducted in three different dimensions including the state innovation, the government reform, and new public management. Their programs should be formulated and implemented according to the dynamic interplay among the world system, the state, business, and civil society. Various managerial techniques could be adopted from the advanced OECD cases to the Korean situation with marginal adjustment efforts, while the state innovation should be made into the unique Korean model, critically different from others. First, state innovation includes the reorientation of the state nature from the nee-mercantile security state to the cultural-welfare state with sustainable development. Many linkages of the state to the international and domestic arenas should be changed in the relationship with world state system, with world economic system, domestic civil society, in the government-business relation, in the executive - legislative - judiciary systems of the state, in the central-local government relations, etc. All these devices aims to remake the Korean state into the high-tech cultural state for the knowledge-based information and globalization world. Second, the government reform programs aims to reshape the existing mechanisms of the 'developmental state' including state corporatist systems, authoritarian institutions, various policy networks and instruments. Major programs intend to rearrange the role of the government from the banker, planner, economic producer, regulators to the customer-oriented, market-oriented, entrepreneurial government. It also tries to abolish government regulations, rent-seeking activities, corruptions. Instead, it tries to accomplish the electronic government with cyber administration with the information free act to enhance the transparency in the public sector. Third, the new public management(MPM) should be selectively adjusted to the Korean public sector with new governance. A set of new public administration movement of the OECD members are useful for the national competitiveness of the public sector. They are out-sourcing, contract out, total quality control(TQM), empowering, reorganization, enhancing policy evaluation, R & D, privatization, deregulation, de-bureaucratization, team system, networking re-engineering, management by objectives (MBO), citizen charter, total budget, contract by performance, competition between government and/or business, agency model, etc. However, all these reform techniques should be selectively adopted to the Korean state according to three different level of the reinventing state model. The new liberalism of the OECD states are mainly for their cases, which are adjusted according to their unique historical - cultural context; capitalism induced Western democracy, then, democracy invited bureaucracy. In contrast, the Korean case, where bureaucracy select capitalism, then, democracy, is basically different to the Western case, which is given by force, especially by IMF, with new-liberalism. Therefore, the visions and programs of the Korean reinventing efforts should be different from its advanced friends of the OECD members. In sum, it can adopt the technical aspects of reform movement in the Western countries, selectively, while its framework of the state-society-business-world system should be fundamentally different one based on the Korean cultural historical context. This is why the Koreans should reinvent their state for the new millenium of the global world and information society. The Koreans should invent another unique model for the 'first generation' of the global information age by achieving the strongest power for the cyberspace, that is, the advanced cyber state with active global NCOs; the new governance will be a useful alternative for the new state management.

한국 지역주의의 사회성과 정치성에 대한 경험적 분석

김석준 梨花女子大學校 社會科學大學 社會科學硏究所 1999 사회과학연구논총 Vol.3 No.-

본 연구는 한국의 지역주의를 사회성과 정치성으로 이들이 개념적으로 어떠한 위상을 지니는지, 이들에 대해 일반 국민들은 어떠한 태도를 보이는지, 그리고 실제 역대 선거에서 어떠한 영향을 주었는지를 경험적인 분석을 통해 밝히고자 하는 경험적인 연구이다. 이를 위해 전국규모의 설문지조사와 역대 선거에서 나타난 후보별 지역별 지지율의 자료를 이용한 미시적인 연구방법을 주로 사용하여, 이들 연구변수간의 관계를 요인분석, 회귀분석, 상관관계분석, 교차분석 및 편파성분석 등의 통계기법에 의해 분석하였다. 분석의 결과, 요인분석을 통해 지역주의는 사회성과 정치성이라는 두 가지 다른 하위개념 차원에서 매우 큰 이질성을 보이는 것으로 나타났다. 지역주의의 사회성을 나타내는 가족의 혼인, 사적인 교제, 동업 및 금전거래, 직원채용 및 승진 등에서는 한국인들에게 지역주의가 심각하지 않은 반면, 대통령 선거와 같은 지역주의의 정치성에서는 매우 분명한 지역주의를 보이고 있음을 밝혀낼 수 있었다. 이러한 태도조사의 분석결과는 역대 대통령 선거결과에 대한 지역 편파성 분석에서 구체적으로 입증되어 태도조사가 지니는 한계를 보완할 수 있었다. 또한 역대 대통령 선거와 국회의원 총선거의 결과의 비교 분석은 태도조사에서 밝혀진 일반선거보다 대통령선거에서 지역주의 투표성향이 더욱 강하다는 사실을 구체적으로 확인시켜주었다. 본 연구는 태도조사와 실제 선거결과 자료를 비교 분석함으로써 지역주의의 사회성과 정치성의 개념적 위상을 구분하여 지역주의의 순기능적인 사회성에 대한 인식을 새롭게 할 수 있었다. 나아가 정치성이라는 역기능적인 면도 지역주의를 상징하는 후보들의 점진적인 교체로 인해 지역별로는 약화되고 있음을 밝혀낼 수 있었다. 민주주의의 공고화는 지역주의의 정치성을 약화시키고 지역주의의 사회성을 확대시켜 지역주의가 더 이상 한국 민주주의 발전의 장애요인이 되지 않을 가능성을 보여줄 것이다. This study intends to analyze the conceptual relationship between the socio-cultural aspect and the political aspect of the Korean regionalism; to survey the citizens’ attitudes toward them; to evaluate the impacts of them on the real votes of the national Presidential elections in Korea over time. It uses SPSS program including factor analysis, regression analysis, correlation analysis, crosstab analysis, and skewedness analysis over data collected with a national survey in February 1998 and with the official records of all the national Presidential elections in Korea. Major results of this study are as follows. First, factor analysis shows that there is a critical heterogeneity between the socio-cultural character and the political nature of the Korean regionalism. Frequency analysis supports that the regional difference(maximum score=5) is not serious over the socio-cultural events including the marriage of a family member(2.24), a private human relationship (1.88), a co-running of a business(2.59), and a recruiting a staff(2.12). Second, on the other hand, the regional differences on the political events, especially the national Presidential elections, have been too serious between the Eastern region and the Western region of the country. This proposition is supported by both data from the national survey on the citizens’ attitudes and from the national elections since 1971. Regional difference score on the national Presidential election is 4.14, while those of them on socio-cultural events are below 2.60 as shown above. Further, the regional skewedness analysis support this trend; the regional skewedness index of the East and the West since 1971 exceed 10, while those of the rest areas are below 10. The Korean regionalism is in the process of transition. Its function is changing from a negative one to a positive one in the Korean democratic transition process by shifting its main nature from the political one to the socio-cultural one. We can find out this trend from data analysis over time. The national Presidential election data support it. Data show some possibilities that the negative aspect of Korean regionalism is declining in the democratic consolidation process in Korea. Further, the peaceful power shift from the East to the West stimulates it politically by reducing the regional skewedness index of the West and that of the East.

북한사회에서의 노동

김석준,이용욱 부산대학교 민족문제연구소 1994 民族問題論叢 Vol.3 No.1

부산지역 경제구조와 노동운동 : '1980년대를 중심으로

김석준 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1990 社會科學論叢 Vol.9 No.1

The purpose of this study is 1) to overview the characteristics of economic structure of Pusan city in connection with the capitalist development in Korea, 2) to analyse the class composition of Pusan city, 3) to examine the objective conditions of working class which are growing as the driving forces for the social change, and 4) to overview the labor movement in Pusan city since 1980's. The main findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the recently economic stagnation of Pusan city is the outcomes of uneven regional development which has resulted from the changes of modes of capitalist accumulation in Korea. Thus, in order to escape from this stagnation, a more fundamental restructuration of society should be preceded toward the minimization of the regional unevenness and social inequality. In this regard, the prescriptions offered to recover the economic stagnation of Pusan city should be measured not from the viewpoint 'citizen in general' but from the viewpoints of 'working and producing people' (i. e. 'minjung'). Second, the class composition of Pusan city is classified into two classes - the capitalist and the working class - and two strata - the new middle strata and the self-employed. The share of the capitalist amounts to more or less than 1% of economically active population. The share of the working class amounts to more or less than 70% of economically active population. The share of the new middle strata amounts to 7 to 8%, and that of the self-employed amounts to 20% of economically active population. In particular, although Pusan is the second largest city in Korea, the share of the new middle strata and white-collar worker is conspicuously low due to the relative weakness of corporate headquarters functions. In contrast, the share of the wage laborer in modern industrial sector amounts to 40% of economically active population. In the light of these characteristics of class composition, Pusan city is objectively granted a favorable condition for the people's united front led by working class. Third, the objective conditions of the working class in Pusan city can be summarized as follows : 1) the number of laborers in the manufacturing industries amounts to 450,000 (50% of all the employee) ; 2) the working conditions of laborers in Pusan city is most inferior in terms of wage level and working day ; 3) more than half of the laborers in manufacturing industries are women ; 4) although about 35% of laborers in manufacturing industries crowd around Sasang industrial area, the degree of laborers' concentration is relatively low in comparison with other typical industrial cities such as Ulsan and Changwon ; 5) the share of the marginal working class which cannot be considered to be the proletariat proper amounts to 25% of the working class. Considering these objectively conditions of the working class, the problem of how to overcome the difficulties by maximizing the favorable conditions depends upon the capabilities of the labor movement. Fourth, the labor movement in Pusan city, partly restricted by the objective conditions referred to above and partly stimulated by the development of the nation-wide working class movement under the given political circumstances, has continuously been growing all over the 1980's. However, taken as a whole, it is true that the strength of the labor movement in Pusan city has still not been fully developed compared either to the other regions or to its own potentiality. To escape these situations, all efforts are concentrated to reinforce the independent and democratic labor unions as working class' mass organizations. At the same time, training and organization of vanguard laborers should be done urgently. On the other hand, the labor movement should overcome the economism and unionism and reinforce the solidarity with all the national and democratic forces.

현대국가이론의 제유형과 등장배경

김석준 梨花女子大學校 法政大學 1990 梨花行政 Vol.- No.1