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        • KCI등재

          『국사』 교과서 서술에 있어서 '지방'의 용례가 갖는 문제점과 제안

          김병인 전남대학교 호남문화연구소 2001 호남문화연구 Vol.29 No.-

          The term 'province' in the textbook of Korean history is generally (70% or more) used as a term contrasted with 'center'. But 'province' has often been used along with 'region' with little, if any, distinction between the two terms. Therefore, it is necessary to adopt a consistent and unified term in the textbook. First, 'province' needs to be used as an unified term whenever it is contrasted with 'center'. Second, if used as a specific region, 'province' or 'region' needs to be selected whatever it fits best. Third, it is advised that 'region' be used when it indicates on the map. Last, these principles above need to be applied in both books (Korean History I and Korean History Ⅱ), including each chapter of the books. The term 'province' in the textbook of Korean history is generally used as a term contrasted with 'center'. But 'province' has often been used along with 'district' with little, if any, distinction between the two terms. Therefore, it is necessary to adopt a consistent and unified term in the textbook. In particular, 'province' and 'district' need to be clarified and used differently. And this principle has to be applied to both parts ─ Korean History I and Korean History Ⅱ.

        • KCI등재

          원효사의 사력(寺歷)과 사명(寺名)에 대한 검토

          김병인 전남대학교 호남학연구원 2021 호남문화연구 Vol.- No.70

          This study examined the origin of the temple name and the rebuilding history of Wonhyosa temple, located at the foot of Mt. Mudeungsan, and obtained the following results. First, the temple history of Wonhyosa is not clear. There are a few theories, but it is difficult to say that Wonhyo founded the temple from the beginning. It seems that one of the existing temples accepted the ‘Wonhyo Construction Theory’ in the atmosphere where Wonhyo was recognized nationwide after the Unified Silla period, especially during the middle Goryeo period. Second, some of the materials related to Wonhyosa temple were understood as Wonhyosa's, even though they belong to the historical sites of Jeungsimsa temple. This is because either the history of Jeungsimsa temple and Wonhyosa temple was mixed within the Buddhist culture of Mt. Mudeungsan, or Wonhyosa was recognized as a part of Jeungsimsa temple. Third, in relation to Wonhyosa history, there is a figure who is paid attention to. He is Eun Won-choong, called Mudeungsan Cheosa during the middle Goryeo period. In the middle Goryeo period, King Sukjong left the posthumous epithet to Wonhyo and Uisang, and called Eun Won-choong, Mudeungsan Cheosa into the central government. Afterwards, Eun Won-choong took on the role of patrolling the mountains and streams nationwide during the period of King Yejong’s reign. King Sukjong and Yejong valued Namkyoung(Southern capital), and King Yejong especially revered Taoism. King Injong tried to rectify the public opinion by investing Wonhyo with the titles of nobility and granting a posthumous epithet. Wonhyo was recognized in various political situations in the middle of the Goryeo period. Therefore, there is a possibility that a certain temple related to Eun Won-choong that entered the palace from Mt. Mudeungsan may have increased the connection with ‘Wonhyo’. Fourth, Wonhyosa temple was burned down during the Jeongyujaeran and declined in the late Choseon Dynasty, and then it was recognized as 'a declining small hermitage (Soam)'. The appearance of such a temple name, 'Wonhyoam' instead of 'Wonhyosa' seems to be related to the change of the temple status. From entering the 20th century, it has been called ‘Wonhyosa’. 본 논문에서는 무등산 자락에 자리잡은 원효사의 사명의 연원과 사찰의 중창 내력을 살펴보았는데, 다음과 같은 결론을 얻었다. 첫째, 원효사의 사력은 분명히 않다. 여러 학설이 있지만, 처음부터 원효가 창건했다고 보기는 힘들다. 통일신라시대 이후 특히 고려 중기에 원효가 중시되는분위기 속에서 기존 사찰 가운데 하나가 ‘원효 창건설’을 수용한 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 원효사와 관련된 자료 가운데 일부는 증심사의 사적에 해당함에도 원효사의 그것으로 이해한 것이 있었다. 이는 무등산 불교문화권 내에서 증심사와 원효사의 역사가 혼재된 측면이 있었거나, 원효사가 증심사의 일부로 인식된 까닭으로 여겨진다. 셋째, 원효사의 사력과 관련하여 고려 중기 무등산 처사 은원충의 존재가주목된다. 고려 중기 숙종은 원효와 의상에게 시호를 남겼으며, 무등산 처사은원충을 입궐시켰다. 이후 예종대 은원충은 산천을 순시하는 역할을 맡았다. 숙종과 예종은 남경을 중시하였으며, 특히 예종은 도교를 숭상하였다. 인종은원효에게 봉작을 내리고 추증함으로써 민심을 수습하고자 하였다. 이러한 고려 중기 다양한 정치상황 속에서 원효가 중시되었으며, 무등산에서 입궐한 은원충과 연관된 어떤 사찰에서 ‘원효’와의 연관성을 높였을 가능성이 있다. 넷째, 원효사는 정유재란 때 소실된 이후 조선후기 쇠락하여 ‘쇠락한 소암’ 으로 인식되었으며, 몇 차례의 중수를 거치면서 사세를 유지해온 것을 보인다. ‘원효사’ 대신 ‘원효암’이라는 사명이 등장한 것도 사세의 변화와 관련된 것으로 보인다. 20세기 들어서서는 ‘원효사’로 불리고 있다.

        • 티탄산바륨 강유전체 박막 제작과 유전율 특성에 미치는 Photon Energy 영향

          김병인,金창석 조선대학교 에너지.자원신기술연구소 2001 에너지·자원신기술연구소 논문지 Vol.23 No.2

          In case of evaporating dopant when thin film is manufactured, not only BaTiO₃is remarkably decrease in resistance, but also the feature of semiconductor appears. Therefore the study of the element of BaTiO₃semiconductor of multitypes by dopant is actively advanced. In this study, BaTiO₃/Al structure, which is made from evaporating of BaTiO₃is manufactured by RF Sputtering. As the result of this study, which is about Photon Energy feature into thickness according to the structure of thin film, if there is dopant in the purity BaTiO₃, this absorbed energy. In the amorphous condition, as the thickness is more thin, dielectric constant has the more high value and as the Photon Energy increase, it has the less value. According as Photon Energy is increasing, the thinner the thickness of BaTiO₃film, the higher the value of dielectric ε₁ and ε₂in its early stages and ε₁ and ε₂gradually decreased functionally. And the thicker the thickness of thin film, the higher the value of dielectric constant ε₂.

        • KCI등재

          고려 태조의 訓要 8조에 대한 재검토

          김병인,김도영 목포대학교 도서문화연구원 2018 島嶼文化 Vol.0 No.52

          Goryeo Taejo’s Eighth Injunction (Hunyo Paljo) points out ‘the people from the South of the Chahyun and beyond the Gongju river’ and ‘Government slaves and low class from the pier and station’ as those who should not be appointed to the public office. Existing researches mainly focused on explaining the former part of the Injunction to find out whether it was made according to King Taejo’s intention or political situation of posterity only. This study deals with not only the former but also the latter phrase to review if there was any modification. First, the study noticed the latter phrase of the Eight Injunction which got guard against the presumption that if government slaves or low class from the pier and station got into the public office, they might rebel against the State, and understood that as King Taejo’s political policy differently from the former phrase of the Injunction, ‘the people as difficult as the terrain, the south of the Chahyun and beyond the Gongju river’. The phrase which excluded government slaves and low class from the pier and station corresponds to King Taejo’s policy that he regarded as the ‘disobedient group’ who had resisted to the end at the war for unification of Later Three Kingdoms. Thus, the latter part of the Injunction is regarded as King Taejo’s dying instruction ‘left personally’. And the latter part, ‘the people as difficult as the terrain, south of the Chahyun and beyond the Gongju river’ is regarded as modified according to political interests of the descendants. Next, the time and background that the Eighth Injunction appeared was examined in relation to the political situation in the period of King Hyeonjong’s reign. The former phrase, “If the people (south of Chahyun and beyond Gongju river) participated in the government administration or got married to royal family, they would rebel against the State or break out uprising with a grudge against the unification” was resulted from the guard or alert against the complaints from the officials because the people from the region were appointed as public offices during the period of King Hyeonjong’s reign through royal weddings. That is, the former phrase of the Eighth Injunction resulted from a certain modification by adding to the existing phrase of the appointment against government slaves and low class from the pier and station made by the descendants. 고려 태조의 훈요 8조에는 관직 등용불가의 대상으로 ‘車峴以南 公州江外 州郡人’과 ‘官寺奴婢와 津驛雜尺에 속한 자들’이 함께 지목되어 있다. 기존의 많은 연구들은 전자의 해석 문제에 초점을 맞추어 그것이 태조대의 판단인가, 후대의 정서인가 하는 문제로 단순화 시켜 그 진위 여부를 밝히려는 데에 집중하였다. 이에 본고에서는 전자뿐만 아니라 후자에 관한 논의도 함께 다루어 그 변용 가능성을 살펴보았다. 먼저 훈요 8조 후반부의 내용, 즉 官寺奴婢와 津驛雜尺의 賤類들이 벼슬하게 될 경우 국가에 변란을 일으킬 수도 있다는 점을 경계한 사실에 주목하였다. 그리고 이것을 훈요 8조 전반부의 ‘차현이남 공주강외 지세배역론’과 달리 태조의 정치적 방침으로 이해하였다. 官寺奴婢와 津驛雜尺의 등용을 배제하는 내용은 태조가 후삼국 통합의 전쟁에서 끝까지 저항하였던 일종의 ‘逆命者’ 집단을 노비와 진역잡척 등으로 삼았던 것과 상응하는 조치였다. 이에 훈요 8조 후반부의 내용을 태조가 ‘親授한’ 본래의 유훈으로 보았다. 그리고 전반부의 ‘차현이남 공주강외 지세배역론’은 후대의 정치적 필요에 의하여 변용되었을 가능성이 큰 것으로 판단하였다. 다음으로 훈요 8조의 ‘차현이남 공주강외 지세배역론’이 등장하게 된 시기와 배경을 현종대의 정치상황과 관련하여 살펴보았다. 그 결과 훈요 8조의 전반부에서 “(차현이남 공주강외) 州郡 사람들이 조정에 참여하고 王侯國戚과 혼인하여 國政을 잡게 되면 혹은 국가에 변란을 일으키거나 혹은 統合의 怨을 품고 국왕의 행차를 범하여 난을 일으킬 것이다”이라고 한 것은, 이 지역 출신(또는 관련된) 인물들이 현종대에 왕실과의 혼인을 계기로 갑자기 중용된 것에 대한 당시 관료들의 불만과 경계의식이 작용한 것으로 파악하였다. 즉, 훈요 8조의 앞부분은 원래 官寺奴婢와 津驛雜尺의 관직 불가조항에 덧붙여진 후대의 변용 결과로 판단한 것이다.

        • KCI등재후보

          <왕인문화축제>와 '왕인', 그리고 콘텐츠화 가능성

          김병인 인문콘텐츠학회 2006 인문콘텐츠 Vol.0 No.8

          <WANGIN CULTURE FESTIVAL> AND WANGIN, AND THE CONTENTS PRODUCTION <왕인문화축제>와 ‘왕인’, 그리고 콘텐츠화 가능성

        • KCI등재

          운주사에 대한 해석양상의 역사적 층위

          김병인 호남사학회 2005 역사학연구 Vol.24 No.-

          I discussed historical layers of explaining aspects about the Unju-sa until now. As a results, during 300 years after The new extending Dong Gug Yeo Ji Sng lam(新增東國輿地勝覽), Unju-sa was recognized only the thousand Buddhist images and thousand pagodas and the couple of Buddhist images. And then It brought in the Do-sun foundation theory from the Most Reverend Priest Do-sun records(道詵國師實錄). So It was organized the other various tales. It was explained that emphasized the laying Buddist image through that course. After early 1980’s The mass of people interested in the Unju-sa through novels like the Jang Gil San of Hwang Seok-yeong. So it was made up the subject matter by someone who wanted to write about the Unju-sa. Someone clam down anguish of the 5.18. They, scholars of various parts, scholastically approached the Unju-sa through the mass of people’s interests. Scholars got a tolerable result about shapable feature of the Unju-sa through four times excavation. But we still exactly don’t know that when the Unju-sa found, who the Unju-sa made, who the thousand Buddhist images and thousand pagodas made and what about these. Nevertheless, The Unju-sa changed to a festive place like <The Unju-sa big Festival>. Because of operation of a local self-governing body, activation of local festival and re-position of local tradition. It a results which be followed attitudes of a ruling ideology and power and changing of local fortune-telling lore that diversiform historical layers of culture-place explaining aspects about the Unju-sa. Of course, That change was occurred by the inner power of the Unju-sa. But facts were veiled so just guess about that. But we have a lot of actual difficulty. So we endlessly have to attempt new explanation that ground on existing products of study. So this paper is a essay of first step that was attempted new explanation.

        • KCI등재
        • KCI등재

          고려 명종대 監務 파견의 정치적 성격

          김병인,이바른 한국중세사학회 2010 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.29

          This study focuses on the Administer called Gammu(監務) that brought general social changes in the reign of King Myungjong of Goryeo Dynasty after military rebellion. Gammu was dispatched mainly to southern part such as Yangkwang, Kyungsang and Chulla province. Gammu was especially dispatched to the sites in Yangkwang which was an important place of traffic and producing luxury items such as jewelry. Thus, it can be presumed that Gammu played a role of delivering expensive goods and produces from the area to the Capital. Gammu dispatched to Kyungsang and Chulla Province was related to the production of arms such as bamboo arrows and iron. This fact is worth noticing in that production of arms is an important tool to keep the military rule at that time. It is another characteristics that Gammu was dispatched to the hometown of the power group. A remarkable point of the places where Gammu was dispatched in the second year of King Myungjong was that all the places were related to Lee Eui-Bang's regime that took power at that time. When Lee Eui-Bang took power, Gammu dispatch was carried out before long on a large scale by his key member, Lee Jun-Eui. At that time, Lee Eui-Bang had to accept the offer made by the various military groups and solve another possibility of military rebellion by dividing them up. He also had to strengthen the influence and leverage of his regime which had little political foundation and to keep military power that was the resources of his personal economic and military power. To solve all the matters, Gammu dispatch was carried out on a large scale. But, the number of Gammu dispatch was drastically reduced in the 5th and 6th year of King Myungjong and there was no noticable local characteristics, excepting that it was still related to political power group. Gummu was dispatched only two times in the 5th and 6th year of King Myungjong as a grant of rewards according to person's merits for Jung Jung-Bu group. The reason of the reduction was inner and outer trouble during the period. Gummu dispatch performed by Lee Eui-Bang plunged a local society into more confusion and Jung Jung-Boo could not dispatch Gammu any more because of political confusion. 본 논문에서는 고려사회의 전반에 변화를 가져온 무인정변으로 성립된 명종대에 파견된 監務에 주목하였다. 명종대 감무의 파견은 주로, 남부지방인 양광․경상ㆍ전라지역에 집중되었다. 그런데 양광지역 감무가 파견된 곳은 보석류 등의 사치품이 나는 지역과 교통상 중요한 위치에 있는 지역이었다. 이로써 감무가 해당지역에서 생산되는 값비싼 물품과 물산을 수도로 전달하는 역할을 하였을 것으로 생각된다. 다음으로 경상ㆍ전라지역에 파견된 감무의 경우 竹箭과 철 등 무기류의 생산과 관련되어 있었다. 이러한 사실은 당시 무기류의 생산은 무인정권을 유지하기 위한 중요한 수단이었다는 점을 알려준다. 또한 당시 활발한 활동을 보이는 정치세력의 연고지에 감무가 파견된 사실도 특징적이다. 한편 명종 2년 감무가 파견된 지역의 특징으로는 당시 권력을 잡은 이의방 정권과 밀접한 관련을 가지고 있었다는 점이다. 이는 이의방이 정권을 잡은 지 얼마 되지 않은 시점에서, 특히 정권의 중심인물인 이준의에 의해 감무가 대거 파견되고 있다는 점에서 확인된다. 당시 이의방은 초기 다양한 무인집단의 요구를 들어주어야 했고 동시에 이들을 분산시켜 또 다른 정변의 위협을 해결해야 했다. 또한 정치적 기반이 약한 정권의 영향력을 강화시켜야 했고, 사적 경제기반과 무인세력의 원천이 되는 군사력을 유지시켜야 하는 과제를 안고 있었다. 이를 해결하는 일환으로 이루어진 것이 대대적인 감무의 파견이었다. 그런데 명종 5년과 6년의 감무 파견은 이전과 달리 그 수가 급격히 줄어들었을 뿐 아니라 지역적 특이사항도 없었다. 다만 정권 실력자와 관련되어 있다는 점만 확인되었다. 명종 5년과 6년의 두 차례 걸친 감무 파견은 정중부 세력에 대한 논공행상의 일환이었다. 그 수가 점차 줄어든 까닭은 내적ㆍ외적 갈등 때문이었다. 즉, 이의방 정권의 감무 파견으로 인해 지방사회의 혼란은 더욱 심해졌고, 정치적 혼동상황으로 인해 정중부는 더 이상 감무를 파견할 수 없었던 것이다.

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