한국적 종중의 형성과 역사적 변천과정 -진성이씨의 사례를 중심으로

김문택 ( Kim Mun-taek ) 한국계보연구회 2013 한국계보연구 Vol.4 No.-

전통시대 우리나라는 세계 어느 나라보다 종중의 역사가 발달되었다. 이러한 양상은 조선 말기에 이르면 더욱 강해져서 많은 사람들이 종중이라는 조직 속의 일원으로 생활하였다. 그리고 여기에 소속된 이들은 자신의 종중을 매우 자랑스럽게 생각하였다. 또한 전통이 깊은 종중에서는 그들의 선조와 후손을 기록으로 남기는 족보, 그리고 조상에 대한 제사 문화를 알려 주는 자료를 남기곤 하는데, 이러한 점에서는 안동의 진성이씨가 대표적이라고 할 수 있다. 중중의 형성은 顯祖, 즉 훌륭한 조상 또는 派祖를 구심으로 후손들이 집결하면서 형성, 발전하였다. 또 이들 중에서는 국가로부터 인정받거나 문중 사람들의 결의라는 절차를 통해서 4대가 지났어도 제사를 끊이지 않는 不遷位祖가 탄생되기도 한다. 그리고 그를 중심으로 후손들은 결집하고 발전하기에 이른다. 진성이씨는 고려 말에 경상도 진보에 살았던 碩이란 인물을 시조로 모시고 있다. 그 아들 子脩는 안동으로 이주하였으며, 이후 후손들은 지금까지 이 지역 일대에 살고 있다. 이 가문은 종중이 발전하면서 1600년이 되어서는 목판으로 찍은 족보를 간행하였다. 이 족보는 부계만을 중심으로 기록하지 않고 모계를 아우르는 형식으로 작성되었다. 그리하여 아들의 후손이든 딸의 후손이든 모든 혈손들을 기록하였다. 따라서 계보가 후대로 이어지면서 다른 성씨들이 훨씬 많이 수록되는 특징을 지니게 되었다. 진성이씨는 조상을 위한 제사에도 철저한 모습을 보였으니, 조상의 묘소 아래에는 齋舍를 짓고 그곳에 관리하는 이를 두었다. 먼저 4세조 李禎을 위하여 可倉齋舍를 지었는데, 특이하게도 그곳에 僧徒, 즉 승려를 거주하여 관리하도록 하였다. 또한 종가의 사당에서는 그를 不遷位로 모셨다. 또한 이들은 종전과 달리 시조와 같은 먼 조상을 모시는 일에도 관심을 가졌다. 시조 李碩과 3세조 李云侯의 묘소는 이전에 잃어버리고 제사도 생략하였는데, 17세기가 되면서 이분들의 묘소를 찾기 위하여 부단히 노력하였다. 그 결과 1643년에는 안동 佳丘山에 있던 李云侯의 묘소를 찾았고, 이어 1679년에는 진보에 있던 시조의 묘소를 찾았다. 한편, 조선 시대에는 朱子의 『家禮』에 의한 생활 철학을 강조하던 때였는데, 현실은 이와 달라서 조선 이전부터 이루어지던 관습에 의존하는 경우가 많았다. 특히 제사에 대해서 『가례』에서는 2ㆍ5ㆍ8ㆍ11월에 사당에서 지내도록 규정했지만, 사람들은 전통 명절인 설날, 한식, 단오, 추석 등 4 명절마다 그것도 사당보다는 묘소에 가서 제사 지내는 것을 좋아했다. 이러한 저간의 사정에 대하여 李彦迪, 李榥, 李珥, 鄭經世, 李絳 등의 성리학자들은 이를 전통적인 관습으로 인정하면서도 한편으로는 우려를 나타내기도 하였다. 조선 시대 제사의 모습은 지금까지 이어지고 있다. 종중이나 가정에 따라 차이는 있지만 선조의 묘소가 있는 산에서, 그리고 가정에서 전승되고 있다. 우리의 전통적인 제사 문화의 양상은 엄격함과 엄숙함을 필연적으로 내포하고 있다. 그리고 앞으로도 제사라는 속성상 엄숙함을 버릴 수는 없을 것이다. 그렇지만 현실적으로 제사는 후손들 간에 소통하는 장으로 서의 역할이 강화되었으면 한다. 따라서 묘제의 경우에는 종중 사람들 간의 소통의 장소로, 기제사는 가족들이 화목한 시간을 갖는 공간과 시간으로 자리 잡아 나가길 기대한다. In the traditional era, Korea had the most advanced history of clan system in the world. This situation was intensified by the end of the Joseon Dynasty, which allowed plenty of people to live as a member of the clan system. They took intense pride in their clan. Some fairly traditional clans used to bequeath both Jokbo(a genealogy book) documenting the family history of ancestors or descendents and materials about ancestral rites. Jinseong Yi clan from Andong in southern Korea was regarded as one of the most representative clans in this respect. The clan system was formed and developed as descendants gathered centering on Hyeonjo(顯祖), a prominent ancestor, or Pajo(派祖), a first ancestor to establish a branch(派)in the clan. Most of posterity continued to perform ritual ceremony for those who were beyond time scope of four generation from the clans originator, which resuited in Bulcheonwijo(不遷位祖), ancestors who had a permanent ancestral tablet in the shrine. The founder of Jinseong Yi clan was Yi Seok(李碩) who lived in Jinbo, Gyeongbuk at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. Yi Ja-su(李子修), his son, moved to Andong and his descendants lived there since then. As Jinseon Yi clan system was settled in, the clan published a genealogy book printed from wooden blocks by 1600. It recorded not only paternal lines but also maternal lines. Therefore, it contained records of all the offspring from sons and daughters, which made posterity's genealogy book include lots of different last names. Jinseong Yi clan was rigorous to pay respect to ancestors, as the clan built a memorial house(齋舍) near forefathers' tombs and hired a superintendent to manage the house. First of all, the clan set up Gachangjaesa(可倉齋舍) for Yijeong(李禎), 4th-generation ancestor from Yi clan. It was unusual that a monk(僧徒) was resided to take care of the Jaesa. In addition, Yijeong was dedicated as Bulcheonwi in the shrine of the head house. Furthermore, ancestral rites were performed for remote ancestors such as the founder of Yi clan unlike the past. Tombs of Yi Seok(李碩), a founder, and Yi "Woon―hu(李云侯), 3rd-generation ancestor, had been lost, while their ritual ceremony had been skipped. By the 17th century, however, the clan made a great endeavor to locate their tombs. As a result, the tomb of Yi Woon-hu was found in Mt. Gagu (佳丘山), Andong in 1643 before the founders tomb was discovered in jinbo in 1679. Meanwhile, even though living philosophy ixom Family Courtesy (家禮) by Zhu Xi(朱子) was emphasized during,the joseon Dynasty, people were dependent on a conventional custom practiced before the Joseon era. In particular, Family Courtesy(家禮)'stipulated to practice ancestor rituals in the shrine on aiixed date of February, May, August^ and November, while people preferred to perform the rituals in front of tombs on traditional holidays such as New Years day, Hanshik, Dano, and Chuseok. Confucian scholars including Yi Eon- jeok(李彦迪), 'YiHwang(李滉), eong Gyeong-se(鄭經世), and Yijae (李繂) recognized these circumstances as a traditional custom, while they were concerned about the situation. Ancestral rites during the Joseon Dynasty have been practiced up to the present time. Even if the ceremony is somewhat different depending on the clan system or the family, it has been passed down to the tombs in the mountain or to homes‘ It is expected that Myoje (rituals held in front of the tombs) would be a place to communicate among people and Gijesa(household rites held at night before an ancestors death anniversary) would be a harmonious time and place for family.

숙종대 李元禎의 정치활동과 被禍

김문택(Mun-taek Kim) 역사실학회 2009 역사와실학 Vol.38 No.-

This research aims to investigate into the process of the political advancement of Won-jeong Yi and his philosophy and tribulations. Won-jeong Yi was born into a prominent family in Gyeongsang Province during the Joseon Dynasty period. His political career began when he was appointed to a government post under the auspices of his forefathers. After that, he safely passed a state examination to be a civil official and eventually served as the first highest royal minister after having taken many important government positions. At first, his position was improved to the ninth highest government official due to the merits of Oen-yeong Yi who was his father-in-law. In 1652 when he was at the age of 31, he succeeded in the state examination. Then in 1670 (11th year of Hyeonjong), Yi became the deputy royal minister of law after having served in several government posts in the national civil academy. At that time, his son Dam-myeong Yi passed a special state examination for being a civil official, in which he played the role of an examiner. Subsequently, his political opponents made an appeal to the king with a view to punishing both the examinee and the examiner. At 1673 (King Hyeonjong 14), he was promoted to the chief royal secretary, against which his political opponents made several appeals to the king purporting that he was not appropriate for the position. During the rule of King Sukjong when another his opponents called the Southerners Party were in power, Won-jeong Yi served as the chief royal layer, the chief royal secretary, the second highest royal minister and, finally in 1679 (King Sukjong 5), the first highest royal minister. Around this time, he was successful in proposing and effectuating the Rice Tribute Law in 1679 (King Sukjong 5) in Gyeongsang Province where he was born. The law was originally suggested by Won-ik Yi and put into practice in Gyeonggi Province in 1608 (1st year of Prince Gwang-hae). In 1680 (King Sukjong 6), there broke out a political crisis in which his opponents party in power was changed from the Southerners Party to the Westerners Party. Immediately after the crisis, numerous members of the Southerners Party was oppressed and purged. The sacrifice of Won-jeong Yi was a result of a prolonged string of purge and imprisonment of such political figures as Gyeon Heo and Won-ro Jeong. Without any evident proof, Won-jeong Yi was tortured to death before Mok Heo and Hyu Yun were poisoned at the order of the king. After his death, the position of Won-jeong Yi was repeatedly restored in 1689 (King Sukjong 15) or again deprived in 1694 (King Sukjong 20). After nearly 20 years, in 1712 when Se-won Yi his grandson presented a severe appeal to the king, who readily maintained his cause. Long after that, in 1871 (Kojong 8), an honorary name was specially conferred on him on account of his merits for the nation. As mentioned in the above in connection with the case of Won-jeong Yi, purging a government official was developing in slow process over a long period of time during the rule of King Sukjong. In the process, various trickeries went on a rampage under the pretext of righteous enforcement of laws. Such an evil circle was importunately continuing till the party in power was driven to a close. In the past, scholars generally and simply understood that Won-jeong Yi died along with Gyeon Heo who were killed in prison in the vortex of the political crisis taking place in 1680. However, a close investigation should reveal that the death of Won-jeong Yi started with the said political crisis and completed with the repeated political tribulations including two times of imprisonment of contemporary politicians during the rule of King Sukjong.

호남지역 서원의 지역적 특성과 정치적 성격

김문택(Kim Mun-taek) 한국국학진흥원 2007 국학연구 Vol.11 No.-

본 논문은 먼저 중앙의 정치세력과 호남지역 사림士林의 연관관계 속에서 호남과 나주지역의 성격과 시기적 변화를 파악하는데 주목하면서 아울러 16~17세기에 걸쳐 나주지역 경현서원의 건립과 운영에 대하여 살펴보았다. 호남과 나주 사림들은 지역 내에서 동東ㆍ서인계西人系 사림이 함께 거주하면서 상호간에 갈등관계가 지속되었는데, 그 중심은 나주지역이었다. 처음 1584년 동인계에서 경현서원을 건립하였는데 1589년 기축옥사 己丑獄事 때에는 정치적인 이유로 동인계에 대한 서인계의 대공세가 있었고, 이후 서인계에서 서원의 운영권을 장악하였다. 이어서 광해군대에는 북인계가 운영을 주도하기도 하였다. 그러다 1655년 이러한 갈등은 향전鄕戰으로 발전하였다. 이 향전은 을미옥사乙未獄事라고 일컬어졌는데, 처음 서원 원장의 임명을 둘러싸고 양 세력간의 이해가 상반되는 등 서원의 운영권을 둘러싸고 갈등이 지속 되다가 결국 비서인계에서 임명한 나주향교의 헌관을 서인계가 축출하면서 발발한 사건이었다. 그런데 사건은 도내道內에서 해결되지 않고 중앙으로 이송되어 형조의 추문을 받게 되었으며, 그 결과 양측 모두 심각한 타격을 입고 종결되었다. 을미옥사 이후 양 세력은 각각 분리되어 서원을 건립하였으니, 옥사가 발생한 4년 뒤인 1659년 서인계에서는 월정서원月井書院을 건립하였고 동인계의 후손들인 남인계에서도 1690년 미천서원眉泉書院을 건립하였다. 미천서원은 당시 호남유생 650인이 연명장소를 올려 허가되었고 1723년 사액되기에 이르렀다. 이 서원에 대해서는 전라도 남인계 사림들의 지속적인 원조가 이어지고, 남인의 본고장인 경상도 사림들의 원조가 있기도 하였다. 나주지방 사림에게 있어서 서원은 매우 중요한 기구였으며 중앙의 정치세력과 민감하게 작용하면서 운영되었음을 알 수 있었다. In the first place, this dissertation bas focused on understanding the nature and the milestone changes of the Honam and Naju region in the context of the relationship between the central political power and the local political faction in the Honam region, and further looked into the foundation and operation of Gyeonghyeon Academy in Naju across 16<SUP>th</SUP> 17<SUP>to</SUP> century. As an eastern faction and a western faction among Honam and Naju political factions resided together in the same region, a conflict￢ing relation continued to be present between them, particularly around the Naju region. Gyeonghyeon Academy was first established by the eastern faction in 1584. However, as Gichukocksa(己丑獄事) happened in 1589, the western faction delivered an enormous attack against the eastern faction, taking advantage of the political incident. As the result, the eastern faction had a hold on operation of the academy. In the era of King Gwanghaegun after that time, the academy was ever operated under the control of the northern faction. Thereafter, these conflicts were developed into an intense fight in the country village in 1655. This fight, which broke out in the country village, was referred to as Eulmiocksa (乙未獄事) that happened in 1655. It initially resulted from the conflicting interests between the two factions on appointment of the president of the academy, and later, as the western faction ousted the master of ceremonial rites for Naju Hyanggyo (a local old-time school belonging to the Confucian shrine) who was appointed under thesupport of the non-western factions, the case became serious. However, the case was not settled under the provincial control but transferred to the central court. So, it was subjected to a severe cross-examination by the Ministry of Justice. As the result, it was brought to a conclusion only after both of the two factions suffered serious damage. After Eulmiocksa, the two factions founded an academy respectively and separately. In 1659, 4 years after Eulmiocksa happened, the western faction founded Weoljeong Academy, and in 1690, the southern faction, who was descended from the eastern faction, founded Michean Academy. Foundation of this academy was approved after 650 Honam Confucian scholars presented a joint petition for it to the King, and in 1723, the King conferred its tablet. For this academy, the southern faction in Jeolla province rendered aid continuously, and there was ever a support from Gyeongsang provincial faction, the home of the southern faction. It can be known that the academy was a very important organization for the political factions in the Naju region so that it was operated under sensitive interaction with the central political power.