[교과서 바로 보기 2] 고려시대 '중류'는 신분범주로 타당한가

김난옥 내일을 여는 역사 2005 내일을 여는 역사 Vol.19 No.-

큰 틀부터 일상까지 고려사회를 읽어내는 다채로운 시선 -노명호 외 공저, 『고려 역사상의 탐색-국가체계에서 가족과 삶의 문제까지-』(집문당, 2017)-

김난옥 한국중세사학회 2018 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.55

고려전기 무신의 지위 -대거란전쟁 전후를 중심으로-

김난옥 한국중세사학회 2022 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.68

Generally, a military official refers to the official in an opposite relationship with a civil official. According to the administrative system, the scope of military officials covers from the Sangjanggun (Grade 3) to Daejung which is not included in Grade 9. However, there was a clear distinction in the Daejung, Gyowi (Grade 9), and military officials over Grade 8 along with discrimination in the ceremony. In early Goryeo Dynasty, civil and military officials generally referred to all officials. In the colors of official uniforms designated in the 11th year of King Gwangjong, there was no distinction between the civil and military officials. In the stipend land system enforced in the first year of King Gyeongjong, there were officials who did not belong to both civil and military officials. The introduction of civil hierarchical system was the important momentum of division between civil and military officials. However, the civil hierarchical system was applied to both civil and military hierarchical system which was supposed to be provided to the military officials was applied to other groups. Furthermore, most of the military officials were excluded in discussing the matters related to appointment of local officials and discussion of political issues. This shows that the civil officials mainly operated the politics and that the civil and military officials were not treated equally in the discussion over state affairs. Meanwhile, the civil officials mainly took the military positions that commanded the troops during the Goryeo- Khitan War. Dobyeongmasa (National Security Bureau) which was established during the years of King Hyeonjong was designed to discuss the military and national security matters. However, it was mainly composed with the high-ranking civil officials. As the civil officials secured the military command authority and discussed the important military matters, the superior status of the civil officials was further strengthened. Before and after Goryeo- Khitan War, the military officials served the civil official positions together and the officials were sometimes switched to either civil or military officials. Although it was limited to special cases, the mutual exchange between the civil and military officials was still available. Nevertheless, the civil officials talented in literary and martial arts were praised while the military officials who got appointed as civil officials and rose to higher ranking still got discriminated as the former military official. Such double standard clearly shows the perception that regarded the civil officials superior over the military officials. 일반적으로 무신은 문신에 대응하는 관료를 의미하지만, 고려 초에는 문반과 무반의 양반체계가 확립되지 않은 데다가 무반과 군인의 경계도 불분명하였다. 직제상 무반의 범위는 정3품 상장군부터 품외 대정까지이나, 대정⋅교위는 산원 이상의 상위계층과 뚜렷하게 구별되었으며 의례상 지위는 문반의 입사서리와 비슷하였다. 고려 초의 문무백관은 대체로 관료 모두를 지칭하는 용어로 사용되었다. 광종 11년에 제정된 백관 공복의 복색도 문무의 구분이 없었으며, 경종 원년에 시행된 전시과 지급대상에서도 문⋅무⋅잡업 어디에도 포함되지 않는 고위관료가 존재하였다. 법제상 문⋅무반의 분화에서 문산계의 도입은 중요한 계기가 되었다. 하지만 문⋅무반 모두에게 문산계를 적용한 것은 무산계가 별도의 대상에게 주어졌다 해도 문신 중심으로 관제가 확립되었음을 부인할 수 없다. 더구나 목민관의 천거나 정치 현안을 논의하는 대상에서 대부분 무반을 제외했다는 사실은 문신 중심의 정치운영방식을 보여주는 동시에 국정 협의에서 무신을 문신과 동등하게 대우하지 않았음을 보여준다. 한편 대거란전쟁 시기 출정군의 지휘부는 거의 문신으로 구성되었다. 2차 거란의 침입 때 무신 안소광이 행영도병마사에 임명된 것을 제외하고는 대부분의 군직을 문신들이 차지하였다. 현종대에 설치된 도병마사는 문신인 재추 중심으로 구성되었으며, 문신들이 군사 지휘권을 장악하고 중요한 군사문제를 협의하는 방식은 문신의 우위적 지위를 더욱 강화하였다. 대거란전쟁을 전후한 시기에 무신이 문반 관직을 겸대하기도 하였고, 매우 제한적이기는 하지만 문⋅무반 사이에 개반(改班)이 이루어지기도 하였다. 비록 특수한 경우라는 한계성이 있지만 문⋅무반의 상호교통이 완전봉쇄되지는 않았다. 하지만 문반의 문무겸비는 칭송되면서도 무신이 문반 관직을 받고 고위직에 올라도 무반 출신임을 드러내서 강조하는 이중적 잣대에서 무신에 대한 문신의 우월적 지위를 당연시하는 당시의 인식이 잘 나타난다.

논문 : 원나라 사람의 고려 유배와 조정의 대응

김난옥 일지사(한국학보) 2005 韓國學報 Vol.31 No.1

고려말 남경과 친원세력의 동향 -금석문을 중심으로-

김난옥 서울역사편찬원 2015 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.90

The bronze bell at the Boamsa Temple was cast and dedicated by Ki Pyung-jang, who is believed to be Ki Chul, an older brother of the Ki Empress (Kihwanghoo). According to ‘The Record on Mission of Ki Pyung-jang (Ki Pyung-jang bongsanokseo)’, Ki Chul received an order from the Yuan emperor, and was sent to Goryeo as bunhyangsa, in charge of incense burning at temples. This happened in 1349, the first year of King Chung-jeong’s reign, and the kichuk year of the Yuan’s jijeong reign. Previously, the inscription on the bronze bell was read as eulchuk, and thus the bell was thought to have been cast in 1325. However, circumstances suggest that the then-bunhyangsa Ki Chul mistakenly carved eulchuk instead of kichuk to indicate the year. Meanwhile, Chae Hajung, who dedicated the incense burner at the Jungheungsa Temple, was an influential pro-Yuan politician. He was put on the list of disloyal servants in ‘The History of Goryeo (Goryeosa).’ Chae Hajung wielded political power, taking advantage of conflicts between the king of the Goryeo Dynasty and simwang that was appointed by the Yuan emperor. He was a very powerful politician until he became involved in a treason and killed. The fact that such a powerful man dedicated an incense burner at the Jungheungsa Temple in the Nanjing region reveals the importance of the temple. It also had something to do with the fact that Buddhist monks at the Jungheungsa temple participated in ideological exchanges with the Yuan dynasty by copying Buddhist scriptures and interpreting them. Given this, the making of the incense burner was a Buddhist service that was laden with political intentions of Chae Hajung, a powerful politician of the time, since the act harbored both a wish for a long life of the Yuan emperor and the Goryeo king, as well as a personal wish for attaining Buddhahood. 보암사동종은 기평장이 주조하여 시납한 것인데, 고려말 자료에서 단 두 명의 기평장을 찾을 수 있다. 그 중 공민왕대에 고려에 사신을 보낸 北元의 기평장이 남경에 와서 동종을 주조했을 개연성이 희박하다. 따라서 보암사동종을 만든 사람은 다름 아닌 기황후의 오라비인 奇轍로 판단된다. 「기평장봉사록서」에 의하면 기철은 원나라 황제의 명을 받아 고려에 焚香使로 파견되었는데, 그 해가 바로 至正 기축년인 충정왕 1년(1349)에 해당된다. 「기평장봉사록서」에서 기철은 평장사 덕성대군으로 지칭되었는데, 당시 고려는 중서문하성 체제가 아니어서 평장사 직함이 없으므로 덕녕공주가 왕후와 기철에게 정동행성을 임시로 감독하도록 했을 때 기철이 정동행성 평장사 직함을 띤 것으로 판단된다. 종전에 보암사동종은 ‘을축’이라는 명문으로 인해 1325년에 주조된 것으로 파악되었으나, 여러 가지 상황을 보면 을축이 아니라 기철이 분향사로 파견된 己丑이 잘못 새겨진 것으로 보인다. 아울러 『고려사』를 비롯한 고려시대 史料에서 ‘乙’과 ‘己’가 혼동되거나 잘못 판각된 사례로 미루어 볼 때, 보암사동종의 조성연대는 1325년의 乙丑이 아닌 1349년 己丑으로 판단된다. 중흥사향로의 명문 역시 고려말 친원세력의 동태를 파악할 수 있는 좋은 자료를 제공해준다. 중흥사향로 제작의 단월인 채하중은 친원세력가로서 『고려사』 열전 간신전에 입전된 인물이다. 채하중은 고려국왕과 심왕의 알력을 이용해 정치적 영향력을 발휘하였으며, 모반에 연루되어 사망할 때까지 정치가로서 승승장구하였다. 이러한 대단한 영향력을 가진 채하중이 남경 지역의 사원인 중흥사에 향로를 시납하였다는 것은 그만큼 중흥사가 중요한 의미가 있는 사원이었기 때문이다. 중흥사에 주석한 승려가 寫經과 불경의 해석 등을 통해 원나라와의 사상적 교류에 참여한 사실도 이와 무관하지 않다. 이러한 측면에서 원나라 황제와 고려 국왕의 장수를 기원하기 위한 목적과 개인적인 성불의 염원이 함께 포함되어 있는 중흥사향로의 제작은 채하중이라는 권력층의 고도의 정치적 의도가 담긴 佛事였다.

충혜왕비 덕녕공주의 정치적 역할과 위상

김난옥 (사)한국인물사연구회 2010 한국인물사연구 Vol.14 No.-

The marriage of Princess Deoknyeong and King Chunghye was a marriage of convenience according to the interests of two countries, just like the usual case of princesses of Yuan Dynasty. King Chungsuk proceeded the intermarriage with Yuan Dynasty as a expedient to reinforce the royal power while defending Shimwangpa. The the far west sphere, family of Shasgaba(搠思班) was selected for the marriage in the honor of its practical commitment to Goryeo with distinguished military services. The marriage life of Princess Deoknyeong was not smooth. Because her father, Shasgaba was not only dead just one year after her marriage but her brothers were also dead 5 or 6 years after her marriage, she lost strong supporting forces. Accordingly her position in Goryeo became very narrow. Besides the involvement with a lot of women including his father`s concubine made her suffering from a severe pain. Finally King Chunghye was unfortunately dead on his way of banishment. Although Princess couldn't raise her voice while King was alive, her activities became remarkable after his death. Once the accession of her son, King Chungmok to the throne, she positioned in the center of the political power as the Queen regent. It was not just a formal and nominal regency but rather a practical and strong power. The domination of political power was secured through the exclusive authority over personnel in which the position of her close associates was at the center. The sphere supporting to the governance of Princess Deoknyeong were mostly deposed retainers of King Chunghye, of which the most remarkable roles were played by Shin Ye, Kang Yun Chung and Bae Jeon. Particularly Kang Yun Chung and Bae Jeon were the subject to be blamed of the immoral relations with Princess Deoknyeong, which might show a sort of compensation against King Chunghye's behaviors before his death. According to the political point of view, this was possibly exaggerated as a reaction to her wielding excessive power with the use of close associates. The qualification to regency of Princess Deoknyeong was continuously maintained even after the inauguration of King Chungjeong, son of Yunbi, however the situation at the Chungjeong era was different from that of Chungmok. It was because of not only the influence of pro-Yuan power but also the maternal relatives of Chungjeong. At the earlier stage of the Chungjeong era when the political bonding between Huibi, real mother of Chungjeong and Princess Deoknyeong was required urgently among each other, Princess Deoknyeong had influential power as regent but became to have counter relation with the other power including the close associates of King Chungjeong and legitimacy government officials. Her unexpected return to Yuan Dynasty in the second year of the King Chungjeong's ruling era was somewhat connected to her vanishing of political responsibility than that in the previous era. In terms of the regent role at the era of Chungmok and Chungjeong, Princess Deoknyeong is described by her power-oriented character with excellent political capability and skill. After loosing power in the politics at the end of King Chungjeong era, Princess Deoknyeong went back to Yuan Dynasty for four years and then returned to Goryeo living a quite life for the rest of her days with her daughter without any events. Princess Deoknyeong lived a dramatically mixed life of the early stage as a passive Queen and the late stage as an aggressive and skilled politician. Her existence was much more emphasized in the political role at the same time less significant because her bold execution of political power was counter to the betterment direction of Gyreo government.

고려시대 役官制의 운영과 성격

김난옥 한국사연구회 2011 한국사연구 Vol.152 No.-

The yeokgwan (役官) system was one through which government posts called chamgjik (參職, sixth rank government posts or lower)were granted in exchange for silver or the assumption of the responsibility for paying the funds demanded by a government agency. Government posts managed based on the yeokgwan (役官)system included those of munha noksa (門下錄事, lowest position within the Chancellery for State Affairs), jungseo juseo (中書注書,junior seventh rank post within the Chancellery for State Affairs),and chumil danghugwan (樞密堂後官, seventh rank post within the Royal Secretariat). These posts were occupied by the sons and son in laws of wealthy members of the local gentry (sajok). In addition to their own work duties, individuals who held the post of munha noksa (門下錄事) and chumil danghugwan (樞密堂後官) were responsible for securing the funds needed to carry out the Palgwanhoe (八關會,Festival of the Eight Vows) and Yeondeunghoe (燃燈會, Lotus Lamp Ceremony), as well as for coming up with the funds required by the secretaries responsible for personnel administration to conduct socalled night duties. In this regard, although it represented the fastest way to be promoted to a junior sixth rank post (chamsang), several individuals refused to accept appointments to such posts because of the massive economic burden involved. The financial resources needed to purchase these government posts were regularly secured by selling off family property. While certain individuals borrowed some of the necessary funds from others, others even sunk to the point of forcibly collecting the necessary resources from the people. The yeokgwan (役官) system was differently applied depending on the government posts involved. For example, while those holding the post of munha noksa (門下錄事) or chumil danghugwan (樞密堂後官) were guaranteed a promotion to the post of chamsang once they had provided the funds required by the pertinent government agency,officials at the Gwonmugwan level who held posts higher than that of imnok were promoted to junior sixth rank posts (chamsang) after they had doled out specific amounts of silver. However, changes were wrought to the yeokgwan system during the late and final periods of Goryeo. For example, responsibility for the yeokgwan system was assumed by the head of the three agencies (dogam) or the noksa (錄事,senior fifth rank posts) from the five militaries. In addition, seung and ryeong posts within the Three Censorate Offices (samsa), Provincial Governor (dosa)’s Office, Naewonseo (內園署, Office of Royal Horticulture and Gardening) and Seongwanseo (膳官署, Office of Royal Rituals and Court Banquets) were also made subject to the yeokgwan system. However, while the individuals who belonged to the Chancellery for State Affairs (munhaseong), Three Censorate Offices (samsa), and Royal Secretariat (chumilwon) were eligible for a promotion to junior sixth rank posts (chamsang) after one year in accordance with the principle of annual promotion to a higher rank (junyeon chamjik), those who held seung and ryeong posts within the Naewonseo (內園署, Office of Royal Horticulture and Gardening) and Seongwanseo (膳官署, Office of Royal Rituals and Court Banquets) did not enjoy the same benefits. The yeokgwan system was an institution through which the state and government agencies were able to secure economic resources in exchange for the provision of government posts known as chamgjik (參職). However, it was only available to certain individuals,namely the children of prestigious family clans or member of the local gentry (sajok). The fact that access to the yeokgwan system was limited to individuals from specific classes can be regarded as the main difference between this particular system and the napsok bogwanje (納粟補官制, selling official titles and ranks in exchange for fixed amounts of grain) through which anyone who possessed the economic...

이규보의 신분의식

김난옥 고대사학회 2001 사총 Vol.53 No.-

초·중등 예비교사의 형성적 평가 경험과 숙달목표 및 학습을 위한 평가인식의 관계

김난옥,박정,손원숙 한국교육과정평가원 2020 교육과정평가연구 Vol.23 No.3

평가에 대한 교사의 인식은 교사가 수행하는 일련의 평가절차에 대한 의사결정의 해석틀로써 작용하기 때문에 특히 교사로서의 신념을 계발하기 시작하는 교사교육에서 교사의 평가인식 양상이나 역할에 대한 관심이 증가되고 있다. 본 연구에서는 평가의 주된 목적인 학습을 위한 평가인식에 주목하여, 초등 예비교사와 중등 예비교사 간의 ‘학습향상’ 평가인식 수준을 파악하고, 형성적 평가 경험과 숙달목표가 평가인식에 미치는 영향력을 분석하였다. 구체적으로 형성적 평가 경험에는 피드백의 경험, 피드백 질, 피드백 활용을 포함하였다. 분석대상은 충청 및 경상권 소재의 6개 교원양성기관에 재학 중인 초·중등 예비교사 총 557명이며, 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째 잠재평균분석을 실시한 결과, 초등 및 중등 예비교사의 학습향상 평가인식에는 유의한 차이가 없었다. 둘째, 다집단 구조모형 분석 결과, 교원양성기관 유형과 상관없이 예비교사가 경험한 형성적 피드백은 피드백 질과 숙달목표에 정적효과를 보였으며, 피드백 질을 높게 지각하거나 숙달목표가 높을수록 피드백 활용에 긍정적인 영향을 주었다. 한편 형성적 피드백 자체는 학습향상 평가인식에 직접적으로 영향을 주지 않았지만, 피드백 질과 피드백 활용, 숙달목표와 피드백 활용을 통한 간접효과는 유의하였다. 이 결과를 바탕으로 예비교사의 긍정적인 평가인식 발달을 위한 교육적 시사점을 제안하고, 평가인식의 영향요인에 대한 추가적인 탐색의 필요성을 논의하였다. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationships of pre-service teachers’ formative assessment experience and mastery goal orientation with their conceptions of assessment. Especially, the improvement conception which is regarded as a core feature of ‘Assessment for Learning(AfL)’ and the structural relationships with its antecedent variables such as formative assessment experience and mastery goal orientation were scrutinized. Structural equation modeling analysis was used to analyze data collected from a sample of elementary and secondary pre-service teachers(N = 557) from teachers’ colleges located in four districts of Korea. The results were as follows. By the latent mean analysis, the conception of assessment for learning was not significantly different across elementary and secondary pre-service teachers. Second, the structural relationships between pre-service teachers’ improvement conception and its antecedent variables were equivalent across the two groups. Thirdly, the formative feedback had a positive effect on the quality of feedback and mastery goal orientation, while it did not make any significant direct effect on the improvement conception. The effects of the three mediating variables such as the quality of feedback, use of feedback and mastery goal orientation between the formative feedback and the improvement conception were statistically significant. Finally, the educational implications for developing pre-service teachers’ positive conceptions of assessment were discussed and this paper concludes with importance of the formative assessment experience for per-service teachers’s conceptions and practice.

[역비논단]고려시대 유배길

김난옥 역사비평사 2004 역사비평 Vol.- No.68