한국의 해양안보전략서의 필요성과 발전방향

김강녕,Kim, Kang-nyeong 한국해양전략연구소 2019 Strategy 21 Vol.22 No.1

본 논문은 '국가해양안보전략서'의 필요성과 발전방향을 분석하기 위한 것이다. 이를 위해 한국의 해양안보전략서의 필요성, 해양안보전략관련 한국의 실태와 주요선진해양국의 사례, 한국의 '해양안보전략'의 비전·목표·전략·수행체계를 살펴본 후 결론을 도출해본 것이다. '세계 5대 해양강국(Ocean G5)' 등과 같은 국가해양전략 비전의 달성은 우리나라가 국민의 해양안전과 해양안보를 유지·강화해 나갈 수 있을 때 가능함은 물론이다. 세월호사건은 우리에게도 해양선진국처럼 '국가해양안보전략서'가 절실히 필요하다는 것을 잘 일깨워주고 있다. 선진해양국가처럼 국가해양안보전략이 효율적으로 수행되기 위해서는 해군·해경의 협력을 포함한 관련기관의 협력을 결집시키기에 충분한 권한과 위상을 보유한 전담부서를 두어야 한다. 국가안보회의 예하에 장관급으로 구성된 의결기구인 가칭 해양안보위원회와 관련부처 실무자로 구성된 집행기구인 가칭 해양안보수행단을 설치하면 좋을 것으로 판단된다. 미국이나 영국처럼 우리도 국민의 해양안전·해양안보를 위한 국가해양안보전략을 성공적으로 수행해 나가기 위해서는 보다 더 긴밀한 국내의 범정부적 협조체제와 국제적 협력체제, 그리고 해당 분야별 해양안보능력을 더욱 보강해 나가야 할 것이다. 이를 위해 해군에 의한 해양안보전략의 수립·추진; 해군·해경 간의 작전적 연계강화; 국가차원의 해양감시능력의 강화 및 민간영역과의 공유의 활성화 등을 모색·추진해 나가야 할 것이다. This paper is to analyse the necessity and development direction of the ROK's maritime security strategy white paper. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled introduction; the necessity of the ROK's maritime security strategy white paper; the ROK's actual situation in relation to maritime security strategy and cases of major advanced oceanic countries; the vision, goals, strategic tasks, and implementation system of the ROK's 'national maritime security strategy'; and conclusion. The achievement of the national marine strategic vision, such as the 'Ocean G5,' is of course possible when Korea can maintain and strengthen the maritime safety and maritime security of the people. The Sewol Ferry incident reminds us that we need a 'national maritime security strategy white paper' like the advanced marine countries. In order for the national maritime security strategy to be carried our efficiently, as in advanced oceanic countries, mere should be a dedicated department with sufficient authority and status to mobilize the cooperation of related organizations including naval-coastal cooperation. It would be good to set up a tentatively named Maritime Security Council, an organization of minister-level officials involved under the National Security Council, and an executive body composed of working-level officials from related ministries. In order to successfully carry out the national maritime security strategy for the maritime safety and maritime security of the people like the United States and the United Kingdom, we need to further strengthen our domestic cooperation and cooperation system, international cooperation, and maritime security. We have to promote the establishment and promotion of maritime security strategies by the Navy; strengthening the operational link between the Navy and the Coast Guard; strengthening the maritime surveillance capability at the national level, and promoting sharing with the private sector, etc.

남중국해를 둘러싼 미·중간의 갈등과 한국의 대응

김강녕,Kim, Kang-nyeong 한국해양전략연구소 2017 Strategy 21 Vol.20 No.2

This paper is to analyse conflict between the US and China over the South China Sea and Korea's responses. To this end the paper is composed of 6 chapters titled instruction; the current status of South China Sea sovereignty disputes; changes in US and Chinese maritime security strategies and the strategic values of the South China Sea; key issues and future prospects for US-China conflicts in the South China Sea; South Korea's security and diplomatic responses; and conclusion. The recent East Asian maritime security issue has evolved into a global issue of supremacy between the US and China, beyond conflicts over territorial disputes and demarcation among the countries in the region. China is pursuing offensive ocean policy to expand economic growth. The core of the maritime order that the United States intends to pursue is the freedom of navigation in the oceans and the maintenance of maritime access. China is making artificial islands in the South China Sea, claiming the sovereignty of these islands, building strategic bases in East Asia, and securing routes. The United States has developed several "Freedom of Navigation Operations" to neutralize the declaration of the territorial sea surrounding Chinese artificial islands. We can not be free from marine conflicts in the South China Sea and the East China Sea. Regarding the South China Sea dispute, it is expected that the strategic competition and conflict between the two countries will intensify due to China's failure to make concessions of core interests and adherence to the US compliance with international norms. In the midst of conflict over the South China Sea, we need a harmonious balance between our alliance security and economic diplomacy. We must continue our efforts to strengthen the ROK-US alliance but not to make China an enemy. Considering the significant impacts of the oceans on the survival and prosperity of the nation, we must continue to develop our interest in the oceans, appropriate investments and tactical strategies.

임진왜란의 전황과 교훈에 관한 연구

김강녕 ( Kang Nyeong Kim ) 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 2008 서석사회과학논총 Vol.1 No.1

Two Japanese invasions of Korea and subsequent battles on the Korean Peninsula took place during the years 1592-1598. The Japanese invasions were Asia`s first regional wars involving massive armies equipped with modern weapons. This paper is to analyze Imjin War(Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592). This study deals with primarily the military situation of Imjin War and its lessons. In the late 1500s, a warlord named Toyotomi Hideyoshi rose to power in Japan. Having succeeded in imposing his rule on the whole country, Toyotomi was in search of new worlds to conquer. He sent envoys to Korea to reopen relations, were suspended due to incessant incursions by Japanese pirates. Toyotomi`s message also contained a demand that Korea give free passage the Japanese army in their invasion of China. Korea, committed to good relations with Ming China, rejected the Japanese demand, and Toyotomi invade Korea with 200, 000 troops in the spring of 1592. Korean defenders heroically resisted the aggressors. But the heavily outnumbered and unprepared forces were no match for the Japanese troops equipped with muskets, a weapon totally new to Koreans. Seoul fell within three weeks of the beginning of the invasion. King Sonjo and the royal princes flied to the northern provinces and appealed the Ming China for aid. Meanwhile, as Japan generals squabbled among themselves, Admiral Yi Sunsin conducted a brilliant series of operations in the Korean Strait, destroying numerous Japanese ships. The iron-clad turtle boats Admiral Yi invented were more than a match for anything then afloat. The triumphant Japanese were soon fighting a combined Ming Chinese-Korean Army. Cut off from suppliers and reinforcement by Admiral Yi, the Japanese generals began to lose confidence. A Korean volunteer army(an army in the cause of justice) in the southern provinces harassed them with guerrilla tactics, while disease and malnutrition took further tolls. Peace negotiations began between the Ming general and the Japanese, who had lost the will to fight and had began to retreat, stalked by volunteer peasant forces and contingents of Buddhist monks. Negotiations dragged on for five years, until Toyotomi again sent his army in 1597. This invasion encompassed only Kyongsangdo and of the Chollado provinces. They soon retreated before the volunteers, and began evacuating upon the death of Toyotomi. Admiral Yi was killed in his attempt to smash the Japanese retreat during a climactic naval battle. The war ended at last, with grave impact upon Korea, Ming China and Japan. Both the Korean land and people were devastated by the Toyotomi Invasions. Many artisans and technicians were taken by the retreating Japanese, and arable land was only one-third of the prewar acreage. Japan, on the other hand, achieved a peaceful, centralized feudal society under Toyotomi`s successor, Tokugawa Ieyasu. The importation of neo-Confucianism and the study of Korean medicinal materials and therapy helped Japanese scholars make significant contributions to their society. Moveable metal type expedited book printing and Korean artisans captured by Japanese army developed ceramic and textile products. After the Tokugawa takeover, Japan sought peaceful relations with Korea to benefit further from Korea`s adaption of Chinese culture. For Ming China, the results of the Toyotomi invasion were catastrophic. The economic setback suffered in the campaign led to the collapse of the dynasty. Imjin War was gives us very important lessons. It teach us that our national power and the revolution in military affairs are very important in our national defense. We should keep in mind the universal lesson of history that we have to prepare for war if we really want peace. Today`s leaders of Korea need to learn from Admiral Yi`s traits, styles, values, personalities, attitudes, and achievements.

한반도 평화체제 구축의 과제와 방향

김강녕 ( Kang Nyeong Kim ) 국제뇌교육종합대학원 지구평화연구소 2006 평화학논총 Vol.1 No.1

북,중관계의 변화와 한국의 대응

김강녕 ( Kang Nyeong Kim ) 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 2011 서석사회과학논총 Vol.4 No.2

This paper is aimed at analyzing the changes of Sino-North Korean relations and ROK`s response. For the purpose of that, this paper searches for the evolution of Sino-North Korean relations, North Korea`s policy towards China and China`s policy towards North Korea, China`s strategic awareness of North Korea and the prospect of Sino-North Korean relations, etc. From the opening and reform period to the present, the Sino-North Korean relations has presented dual characteristics repeating union and laxity according to China`s interest in the global order. However, China is still North Korea`s most important ally; biggest trading partner; and main source of food, arms, and fuel. China has helped sustain Kim Jong-Il`s regime and opposed harsh international economic sanctions in the hope of avoiding regime collapse and an uncontrolled influx of refugees across its eight-hundred-mile border with North Korea. On the basis of China`s foreign policy, which is creating a peaceful environment for economic growth and gaining influence as a responsible power, China`s objective regarding the Korean peninsula can be summarized as maintaining peace and stability for China` modernization and boosting China`s position as a great power through influence on the Korean peninsula. China intends to speak for North Korea`s interests in its role as North Korea`s mentor and to establish its strategic role as an arbitrator. North Korea will adopt combined policies of alliance, appeasement and issue based support. South Korea should try to change North Korea into more democratic and reform-oriented nation. South Korea should do its best to develop its diplomatic and strategic dialogue with China and strengthen its strategic bonds/ understanding/harmony with China on the basis of strong ROK-US alliance.

G20 정상회의와 한국외교의 과제

김강녕 ( Kang Nyeong Kim ) 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 2009 서석사회과학논총 Vol.2 No.2

This paper is aimed to analyze G20(Group of Eight) summit and ROK`s diplomatic tasks. G20 nations account for about 85~90 percent of the world`s wealth. The global economy is in need of a new economic model for promoting sustainable and balanced growth, which will be one of the priority challenges for Korea when it hosts the G20 summit. The first summit took place in Washington in November 2008 to address the worst global economic crisis since the Great Depression. During the Pittsburgh meeting, the leaders declared that the G20 will replace the Group of Eight(G8) as the premier forum for global economic cooperation. Korea assumes chairmanship of the G20 summit, the premier forum for international economic cooperation, and hosts a meeting of the group in Seoul in November 2010. The old global order, based on unilateralism and hard power, is shifting toward more emphasis on reciprocity and soft power after the global financial crisis in 2008. There are challenges involved in pushing the global summits beyond the G8 and toward the G20. Different interests of the four superpower groups-the United States, Europe, new emerging powers and the rest of the world-will undoubtedly produce complications. Nevertheless, there are `hopeful signs` that new emerging powers are ready to seek a bigger role. The G20 will become a key organization discussing global issues covering from the world economy, energy, resources, climate changes, hunger to poverty. The G20 is now the essential glue for a global order to be shaped after the end of economic crisis, and also the highest cooperative organization for sustainable and balanced growth. Korea`s hosting of the Group of 20 Summit in 2010 will be a litmus test for emerging powers on shifting the G20 forum to a leaders` level from the ministerial level. The next 2010 G20 summit would be the great chance to enhance South Korea`s political and economic status since the meeting will be the nation`s largest international diplomatic event. Korea`s hosting of the Group of 20 summit in December 2010 will be an opportunity to advance the nation`s economic, political and social systems and to heighten its international prestige. We should contribute in global growth and take the opportunity to elevate national status through successfully hosting the G20 summit in December 2010. We have made a transition from a nation that was content with passive roles with an already set frame of global order to a country that designs a new framework and format. In order to take a full advantage of the new diplomatic opportunities brought by the co-chairship and hosting of the G20 summit, We need to strengthen our `G20 diplomacy` by developing and promoting new international initiatives and policies.

주변국의 군비경쟁과 한국의 대응과제

김강녕 ( Kang Nyeong Kim ) 한국군사학회 2007 군사논단 Vol.50 No.-

비대칭전의 개념과 주요사례 분석

김강녕 ( Kang Nyeong Kim ) 한국군사학회 2011 군사논단 Vol.67 No.-

This paper is to analyse the concepts and case studies of asymmetric warfare. For the purpose of that, this paper presents the definition and concepts of asymmetric war and explores significant historical cases and lessons learned from them, and summarizes North Korea`s asymmetric threats and develops our counter-measures. Asymmetric warfare is war between belligerents whose relative military power differs significantly, or whose strategy or tactics differ significantly. ``Asymmetric warfare`` can describe a conflict in which the resources of two belligerents differ in essence and in the struggle, interact and attempt to exploit each other`s characteristic weaknesses. Such struggles often involve strategies and tactics of unconventional warfare, the ``weaker`` combatants attempting to use strategy to offset deficiencies in quantity or quality. The popularity of the term dates from Andrew J.R. Mack`s 1975 article Why Big Nations Lose Small Wars in World Politics, in which ``symmetric`` referred simply to a significant disparity in power between opposing actors in a conflict. In the modern context, asymmetric warfare is increasingly considered a component of fourth generation warfare. Fourth generation war, defined by William S. Lind in 1989, can be described as new kind of irregular asymmetric warfare in the 21st Century. The North has been concentrating on its asymmetric military capabilities, including WMDs, special forces, long-range artillery, underwater forces(submarine assets) and cyber attacks, while selectively increasing its conventional weapons. The KPA`s asymmetric forces, in particular, pose a serious threat to the ROK military because they can be used as a core means of attack during war time and for local provocations during peace time. As illustrated in the Cheonan Incident on March 26, 2010, the asymmetric measures of North Korea are much expanding, diversifying and compounding. In order to counteract North Korea`s asymmetric measures, an effort should be made to combine symmetric measures with counter-asymmetric ones newly developed, which in advance requires vigorous power to challenge the status-quo as well as creativity to change the conventional thinking.

여몽전쟁의 전개와 군사전략적 함의

김강녕 ( Kang Nyeong Kim ) 한국군사학회 2012 군사논단 Vol.72 No.-

This paper aims to analyse the Goryeo-Mongol War focusing on its development and implications for military strategy. For the purpose of that, this paper searches for Goryeo(Korea) and Mongol`s military forces and strategies and tactics, the development of the Goryeo-Mongol War Qvfongol`s seven campaign invasions and Goryeo` indomitable resistances), the strategic assessment and historical significance of the Goryeo-Mongol War, and etc. In 1231, Ogodei Kahn ordered the invasion of Goryeo. After this, Goryeo was plagued by consecutive Mongol invasions and the Gotyeo court ffied to Ganhwado island 1232. Qth political power(崔氏政權) superintended the war against Mongol during 29 years depending on Island Protection Tactics(海島人保策). Specific tactics of Choi military ruler that moved soldiers, provisions, weapons, and war-fund to major strategy island and aimed a blind point of the Mongolia Forces, defeat Mongol invasion each time with great effect. The Mongol invasions of Goryeo(1231-1259) comprised a series of campaigns by the Mongol Empire against Korea, then known as Gotyeo, from 1231 to 1270. Since Choi Chung-heon, Gotyeo had been a military dictatorship, ruled by the private army of the powerful Choi family. Some of these military officials formed the Sambyeolcho Rebellion(1270-1273) and resisted in the islands off the southern shore of the Korean peninsula. There were seven major campaigns at tremendous cost to civilian lives throughout the Korean Peninsula, ultimately resulting in Korea becoming a compulsory ally of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty for approximately 90 years until Goryeo pushed anti-Yuan policy and recovered old systems and establishment of a new costume system. The people of Goryeo united to resist the foreign invaders and safeguard the nation despite the incessant attacks and invasions. Goryeo dynasty was threatened by Mongol invasion from the 1230s into the 1270s, but the dynastic line continued to survive until 1392 since they negotiated a treaty with the Mongols that kept its sovereign power.

몽골제국의 흥망성쇠와 정복전쟁

김강녕 ( Kang Nyeong Kim ) 한국군사학회 2013 군사논단 Vol.76 No.-