돌하르방 외 1편

고가영 고요아침 2018 한국동시조 Vol.- No.11

접촉지대로서의 러시아 현대사 박물관 전시에 나타난 푸틴 정부의 새로운 국가 이미지와 국민 만들기

고가영 서울대학교 러시아연구소 2019 러시아연구 Vol.29 No.1

This study examines the Putin administration’s perspectives on Russian contemporary history by analyzing permanent and special exhibitions of the State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia and its branch institutions. The focus of this research is on examining the intentions of the exhibitions in museums that serve as such contact zones providing venues for interactions at multiple levels. The Putin administration consistently presents a vision of Great Russia through museum exhibitions. Unlike in the past when the emphasis was on class struggle, the current exhibitions pursue national unity by showing how diverse classes coexisted and that the Russian Civil War was a conflict in which different factions attempted to create better Russia in accordance with their beliefs. Most of all, it is very revealing that unlike in past exhibitions which defined the emergence of revolutionary philosophy as the starting point of contemporary history, the new permanent exhibition reorganized in 2018 defines industrialization and modernization by liberation of peasants as the beginning of contemporary history. This emphasizes that Russia did not follow a different developmental path but a universal historical path of development taken by other Western countries. 이 글은 ‘러시아 국립 현대사 중앙박물관’의 상설전시와 특별전시 그리고 중앙 박물관 산하의 지부 박물관들의 전시에 나타난 푸틴 정부의 현대사에 대한 관점을 살펴본 것이다. 러시아 국립 현대사 중앙박물관은 1917년 2월 혁명 직후 혁명의 성과를 기리기 위해 설립된 혁명박물관으로 출발했다. 그러나 소연방 해체 이후 혁명박물관은 현대사 박물관으로 개칭되었다. 이 글에서는 다양한 층위의 만남의 장을 형성하고 있는 ‘접촉지대’로서의 박물관을 정치권력이 어떻게 활용하고 있는가에 주목했다. ‘러시아 국립 현대사 중앙박물관’의 상설 전시는 19세기 후반 농노 해방 이후 근대화 시기로부터 시작되는데, 푸틴 정부는 박물관의 전시를 통해 제정 러시아, 소비에트 러시아, 포스트 소비에트 러시아에 이르는 각 시기마다 강력한 러시아를 일관되게 표방하고 있다. 또한 특별 전시에서는 내전에 대해 다양한 정치적 신념에 따라 러시아의 발전을 도모했다는 평가를 내림으로써, 국민적 통합을 표방하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 한편 카틴과 메드노에와 같은 지부 박물관에서는 2차 대전 당시 폴란드 장교들을 학살한 사건에 대해 자신들도 나치의 희생자임을 강조하는 방식으로 추모 기념관을 조성하고 있는 점에 주목했다. 이를 통해 과거의 잘못에 대해 국가 차원에서 사과를 해야 하는 지점에서 ‘희생자 민족주의’를 강조함으로써 물타기를 하고 있는 모습을 통해 푸틴정부의 애국주의를 다시 한 번 확인할 수 있다.

러시아의 고립지(exclave) 칼리닌그라드의 중첩된 정체성: <칼리닌그라드 주 역사-예술 박물관>을 중심으로

고가영 한국세계문화사학회 2020 세계 역사와 문화 연구 Vol.0 No.55

Kaliningrad, Russia’s closest geographic region to Europe, is paradoxically the very city with full of Soviet identity. Today, about 30 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, many major cities in Russia have changed the names of cities to their original ones of the pre-revolutionary Russian era. Kaliningrad, however, is an exception to this trend. Unlike the rest of the region, there is no trace of the Russian Empire in this city. If the history of the Soviet Union is taken away nothing is left for Russia, for the former history is that of East Prussia(i.e. Germany). Since Russia has no intention of giving this territory back to Germany this city becomes a region where the characteristics of the Soviet obviously remain. The names of the streets, and apartment buildings built during the Soviet period show a strong Soviet identity. However, many buildings including the Fisherman's Village and the Jewish Synagogue, which have been restored to their original forms by the German capital, reveal that the city was also the German territory. Meanwhile, the Russian Orthodox Temple, located in the central square of the city, represents a unique Russian identity. These overlapping identities are revealed in the exhibition of the Kaliningrad Regional Museum of History and Art. On the one hand there are things represent Soviet identity such as diorama, which vividly captures the battle of Königsberg in 1945, a very elaborate natural history exhibition with a focus on establishing ownership of the newly acquired region, archaeological excavations and amber work, and an exhibition room that collectively illustrates the developments of the Soviet period. But on the other hand the historical exhibition of the City of Königsberg during the East Prussian period represents German identity. In addition, exhibitions related to the Orthodox Church including various types of icon paintings represent the identity of post-Soviet Russia. Thus, Kaliningrad's museum exhibitions show the overlapping of the two different identities. 칼리닌그라드는 2차대전 승전의 결과로 독일로부터 획득하게 된 영토로서, 현재는 러시아의 역외 고립지이다. 이러한 특수한 역사적 배경으로 인해 칼리닌그라드에는 다양한 문화적 정체성들이 공존하고 있다. 이글은 <칼리닌그라드 주 역사-예술 박물관>과 그 지부 박물관인 <벙커> 박물관의 설립 배경과 전시 공간 분석을 통해 칼리닌그라드의 중첩된 정체성을 살펴본 글이다. 역사박물관의 전투 장면을 생생하게 담은 디오라마와 소련시기의 발전상을 보여주는 전시실은 소련 정체성을 드러내고 있다. 그리고 소련의 영토로 편입되기 이전 시기의 역사와 문화를 표현한 전시실은 독일적 정체성을 나타내고 있다. 또한 정교회와 전통 생활문화에 관련된 전시는 포스트소비에트 러시아의 정체성을 나타낸다. 아울러 <벙커> 박물관의 전시에서는 독-소전쟁의 승리가 강조되고 있다. 이를 통해, 러시아가 이 영토를 독일에 반환할 의사가 없으며, 그렇기 때문에 가장 러시아적인 도시로 정체성을 만들어 가기를 원하는 지향점을 전시구성을 통해 주장하고 있는 듯하다. 이처럼 박물관의 전시 구성을 통해 칼리닌그라드의 여러 정체성들이 얽혀 있는 중첩성을 파악할 수 있다.

모스크바 고려인 청소년들의 생활과 정체성

고가영 한성대학교 인문과학연구원 2009 소통과 인문학 Vol.8 No.-

This article is a study of the life and consciousness of the young people who live in Moscow, the capital of Russia. For this study, I surveyed 91 young people from the age of 15 to 25. And for a deeper research, I had an interview with these: three high school students, two college students, one father of a high school student, one mother of a college student, the principal of the Korean school 1086 and a teacher of Korean language in 1086. Through the above research of the Korean young people, I could reach a conclusion about their family life, values of life, and identity as follows: Most of the Korean young people have Korean parents and the educational level of the parents is high. But, after the dissolution of Soviet Union, the rate of Korean peoples' going up to university becomes lower. And a great deal of Korean young people answer that they want a professional or administrative job and that they are orthodox Christians. About the question of marriage, they answer that nationality is not important; however, I reach a conclusion that they prefer the marriage of the same nationality because they consider the same food culture and the mutual understanding are very important. Yet, the young people in Moscow choose the marriage between the same nationality less than those in other regions. About the Korean identity, they answer that the national background is not a helping point for their life; however, they positively accept their Korean identity. Korean language lost their power as a mother tongue because of the Soviet Union's strong policy of promoting the Russian language. In Korean family, the rate of using Korean language is very low. In spite of losing Korean language, which is one of the crucial elements in identity shaping, they keep the traditional national culture, in which the Soviet government relatively loose. And they are strongly influenced by their cultural tradition. After the dissolution of Soviet Union, the rate of the Korean young people's loitering in the streets has more increased than that in the period of the Soviet Union because their parents do not have time for caring their children. The parents have to allot their time to earn living expenses. And the rate of their going up to university becomes radically low comparing with the past. Overall, the result of the survey shows that the Korean young people do not lose their national identity as Korean under the radical social change, although Korean is one of the minority groups in Russia.

가정폭력 노출경험과 불안정 성인애착이 데이트 폭력 가해 경험에 미치는 영향

고가영,최응렬 대한범죄학회 2022 한국범죄학 Vol.16 No.2

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between growing-up domestic violence exposure experiences and adult attachment type intimate partner violence experiences in order to analyze the factors influencing dating violence. Therefore, 2,000 unmarried men aged 19 or older who have experience in social relationships or experiencing violence from their parents increased their experience of intimate partner violence, and focused on identifying the impact of adult attachment on intimate partner violence. Analysis shows that domestic violence exposure experience and adult anxiety attachment exert meaningful influence on intimate partner violence experience, but adult avoidance attachment showed no significant results in mediated effect verification. Exposure to domestic violence directly or indirectly during childhood increases the likelihood of unstable internal operation of relationships with others, resulting in inappropriate aggression in conflict with lovers, raising the level of intimate partner violence experience. 이 연구의 목적은 친밀한 관계에서 발생하는 폭력에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 분석하기 위하여 성장기 가정폭력 노출 경험 및 성인 애착유형과 데이트 폭력 가해 경험간의 관계를 파악하는데 있 다. 교제 경험이 있는 미혼 남성을 대상으로 하여 성장기 부모간 폭력을 목격하거나 부모로부터 폭력을 경험한 경우 친밀한 관계에서 폭력을 행사할 가능성이 높아지며 가정폭력 노출 경험의 영 향을 매개하는 요인으로 성인 애착이 데이트 폭력 가해 경험에 미치는 영향을 확인하는데 초점을 두었다. 이 연구에서는 2015년 여성대상 폭력에 대한 연구의 원자료를 활용하여 다중회귀분석 을 실시하였다. 분석 결과, 가정폭력 노출 경험과 성인 불안애착이 데이트 폭력 가해 경험에 의미 있는 영향력을 행사하는 것으로 확인되었다. 유년시절 직간접적으로 가정폭력에 노출되면 타인과 관계를 맺는 내적작동이 불안정하게 형성될 가능성이 높아지고 이에 따라 연인과의 갈등상황에서 부적절한 공격성이 발현되어 데이트 폭력 경험의 수준이 높아지는 것으로 밝혀졌다.

소련 인권운동 형성과 시위

고가영 문화사학회 2007 역사와 문화 Vol.14 No.-

러시아 혁명기 유대인 사회주의 운동 : 분트의 활동을 중심으로

고가영 문화사학회 2012 역사와 문화 Vol.23 No.-

The present paper aims to examine the activities of the General Jewish Worker's Union in Russia and Poland (Всеобщий еврейский рабочий союз в России и Польше, Бунд), commonly known as the 'Bund'. The Bund had been in pursuit of the two contradictory movements, one class struggle and the other national movement. In the process of dreaming of a better world, the Bund strove to make a better world through class conflict and revolution while maintaining its national identity as Jews. The Bund was a socialist party of Jews, founded by 13 poor students in Vilnius in 1897 and it had been active throughout 1921. The Jewish socialist movement, having started from a secret discussion group of Jewish students and workers, made constant efforts to bring about both class and national liberation, sometimes in collaboration with and other times in separation from the Russian Socialist Democratic Party, the leading force of the Russian Revolution in the turbulent times of the late 19th to the early 20th century. Following the Pogrom in 1903, the Bund had separated from the Russian Social Democratic Party and put more focus on addressing the national question of Jews in Russia. Then after the 1905 Revolution, when the Russian government cracked down the revolutionary forces, the Jewish organization returned to collaborate with the Russian Socialists and put joint efforts to abolish the 650 discriminatory laws against Jews, in the February Revolution in 1917. After the February Revolution, the Bund which had been in support of the Temporary Government in the February Revolution did not support it in the October Revolution. However, it kept supporting the Revolutionary Government again, witnessing the Bolsheviks to oppose the pogrom against Jews committed by the White Army in the Civil War. The Bund had led a total of 312 strikes of Jewish workers between 1898~1900 which took place in the north-west part of Russian and in Poland. Between 1901-1902, it published newspapers in 400,000 issues, organizing 170 strikes and 30 street demonstrations. Until 1921, the Jewish movement held eight times of the Congress and 13 general assemblies. The Bund, transforming from an intellectual gathering to the labor movement, played an important role in making Yiddish as the major language in the communication amongst Jewish proletariats. It worked itself up to the political party. When the majority of its members were purged in the earlog 1930s, the movement saw its fortune declining and its dream frustrated in the really existing socialism in the Soviet Union. However, it should be emphasized that it laid the foundation for the Russian Revolution, contributing to the development not only of the Jewish or Russian history but also to that of the world history.

1970-1980년대 소련 장애인들의 조직적 권리운동

고가영 한국서양사학회 2022 西洋史論 Vol.- No.155

This article is about the movement for the rights of disabled people in the Soviet Union in the late 1970s and the early 1980s. This article examines the activities of people with disabilities who were deprived of their freedom of action. From the time of Tsarist Russia to World War II, the disabled people who were the subject of national attention were mainly veterans with disabilities on the battlefield. However, there were many workers with disabilities in the industrial sites that entered the systemic competition under the newly developed Cold War system after World War II. Accordingly, on May 20, 1978, the <Initiative Group for the Defense of the Rights of the Disabled in the USSR> was formed mostly by those with mobility impairments. The goals of this organization included gathering and disseminating information about the state of the disabled in the Soviet Union, petitioning the Soviet administrative body responsible for their welfare, enlisting the aid of the international community, and expressing solidarity with other groups working to improve the welfare of the disabled. To that end, the “Initiative Group for the Defense of the Rights of the Disabled” published data on the situation of the disabled in the Soviet Union in the form of “Samizdat” (underground publication) in the journal Buletten. The journal was not only circulated domestically, but also sent to the human rights organizations abroad. This series of organized activities of the disabled was suppressed by the Soviet authorities in various ways. Their activities were eventually disbanded in the early 1980s due to government repression. The rigidity of Soviet society, which did not contain diverse voices, seems to have been one of the causes of the failure of socialism in reality. 이 글은 1970년대 후반-1980년대 초반 소련 장애인들이 자신의 권리를 주장한 운동을 다룬 글이다. 특히 이 글에서는 이동권을 침해당한 장애인들의 주체적인 활동을 살펴보았다. 제정 러시아시기부터 2차대전에 이르기까지 국가가 관심을 가진 장애인들은 주로전쟁터에서 장애를 입은 참전군인들이었다. 그런데 전후 새롭게 전개된 냉전체제하에서 체제 경쟁에 돌입한 산업현장에서 장애를 입는 노동자들이 다수 발생했다. 노동의 효율성을 강조한 소련에서 이들은 온전한 권리를 누리기 어려웠다. 이로 인해 이동에 장애를 입은 이들을 중심으로 1978년 5월 20일에 <소련 장애인 권리보호 주도그룹>이 결성되었다. 이 단체의 활동 목표는 소련 내 장애인들의 상황에 대한 정보 수집 및 공유, 장애인들의 복지 개선을 요구하는 소련의 장애인 관련 행정기관에 장애인들의 복지 개선을 요구하는 청원서를 발송하는 것이었다. 아울러 국제사회에 도움을 요청하는 것과 장애인 관련 국제기구와 연대를 모색하는 것이었다. 이를 위해 <소련 장애인 권리보호 주도그룹>은 사미즈다트(지하출간물) 형태의『 뷸레텐』이라는 저널을 통해 소련 사회의 장애인 상황에 대한 자료들과 회원들에 대한 정부의 탄압 내용 등을 알렸다. 이 저널은 소련 내에서 유포되었을 뿐 아니라, 해외의 인권운동 단체들로도 보내졌다. 이러한 조직적인 장애인들의 활동에 대해 소련 당국은 다양한 방법을 동원하여탄압했으며, 결국 이 단체는 1980년대 초반에 해체되었다. 사회 내 소수자들의 다양한 목소리를 담아내지 못한 이러한 소련 사회의 경직성은 현실 사회주의 실패의 한 원인이 된 것으로 보인다.

소연방 해체 이후 우즈베키스탄 <탄압 희생자 추모 국립박물관> 전시에 나타난 접경성의 재해석

고가영 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.3

This article, in the 30th anniversary of the Soviet Union dissolution, is an attempt to examine how Uzbekistan, among the countries of the former Soviet Union, reinterprets its past history (mainly during the Soviet period) through an analysis of museum exhibitions. The immediate task of Uzbekistan, like other new born countries in Central Asia, which became independent after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, was ‘nation-building’. Various ways have been sought to create the identity of an independent nation. One of them is the change of interpretation of the Soviet period. Central Asian countries are putting forward a break with the Soviet era, citing the mistakes of the Soviet central government in the past. In addition, they are trying to strengthen the solidarity of the newly independent nation and create a national identity by putting themselves as victims of political oppression. In the <Repression Museum> exhibition, Uzbekistan identifies itself with a colony conquered by the Soviet Republics. The subjects of the colonial empire include not only Tsarist Russia but also the Soviet central government. Exhibitions 1 and 2 of the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan reconstruct the history of oppression moving from the imperial Russia, through the Bolshevik revolution, the socialist construction, Stalin counter-terrorism and post-war period to the perestroika period. The repression related to the cotton scandal is unique to Uzbekistan. And the 3rd exhibition room deals with the current development of Uzbekistan. In the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan, the socialist revolution disappeared. And here Lenin's ideal of pursuing common prosperity by building a common home for the people that was considered to be different from imperial Russia, a prison for the people, became insignificant. The Bolsheviks changed into a plundering colonizers that are indistinguishable from the Western empires. It is portrayed only in the portrait of a harsh empire that has invaded. Likewise today's authoritarian rulers in Uzbekistan are arbitrarily interpreting the past in order to solidify their own nation-state.

‘붉은 예루살렘’ : 좌절된 소비에트 유대인 공화국 비로비잔

고가영 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2012 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.36

The Soviet government, back in 1934, declared the foundation of the Autonomous Region for Jews in Birobidzhan, the far eastern area of its territory. The decision had considerable repercussions all over the world. Moscow emphasized the fact that the Jewish Autonomous Region was the first realizaton of the Jewish aspirations to have their own territory. Encouraged by the decision, many Jews came over to Birobidzhan harboring the dream to build a Jewish republic. They seemed to come a step closer towards their dream. But what drove the Soviet government to reach the decision was the Jewish petitions made in the course of the Revolution. In this sense, the gap was found between the cause of Soviet's realization of the Revolutionary promise and the reality of granting the autonomy for Jews in Birobidzhan. What the Soviet authority really wanted was to develop the frontier area in the far east with the expected Jewish fund from overseas. The leaders in Moscow saw that the development of rural area in the Crimean peninsula in the 1920s, designed to distribute farming land to the Jews, had drawn enormous funding from abroad. With the Birobidzhan project, the Soviets intended to strengthen the frontier area facing China. For that purpose, the authorities pursued the project as part of the Siberian development plan. They did so without proper preparations and sent the Jewish people into the undeveloped area. The Birobibzhan project can be divided into three stages. The first phase was the period between 1928 and 1929. In this period, the Jews who came to the area harboured the passion and hope and laid the foundation for the construction of the Jewish province against all odds. The second was between 1930 and 1933 in which the administrative center of the ‘Birobidzhan zone’ came into place. Economically they built collective farms and socio-culturally they gradually settled into the area. The third was the period after 1934, during which the government pursued the 2nd Five-Year Economic Plan. The Moscow leaders wanted to spurt on the development of the area and promoted Birobidzhan into ‘the Autonomous Region of Jews’. The soviet government blew the trumpet on the future plan to build a Jewish republic in Birobidzhan. But the lack of preparations and poor conditions drove many of the Jewish migrants away from the area. And the migration of Jews into the area gradually turned into a forced migration. Crucially in the late 1930s, Stalin made a purge of the Jews who were involved in constructing collective farms and the Jewish leaders, which brought the Jewish migration plan to a stop. The Jewish migration resumed a bit in the wake of the Great War. But finally the Birobidzhan project came to a tragic ending with the construction of Israel followed by mass crackdown on Jews. Birobidzhan became merely as a showcase of the project. The frustration left a painful lesson for the Jews. They came to have all the more enhanced aspirations to have their own state, not to be swayed by any other forces, the Zionism. The failure of the Birobidzhan project served as a turning point for those who opposed the Zionist project to come to accept it.