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        • KCI등재후보

          조선초기 문신 姜希孟의 관직생활

          강제훈(Kang Jae-hoon) 한국인물사연구소 2008 한국인물사연구 Vol.9 No.-

          This study aimed at looking into Kang Hui-maeing's office life for the understanding of the early Joseon society dominated by yangban(two upper classes). Through reviewing on his life we can interpret constant factors to make his way in office life in Joseon as well as variable ones. He was out of top drawer, a nephew of King Sejong's wife and got the first position in the civil service examination come up 1447, King Sejong's 29th year. He enjoyed a success career during King Sejo's ruling period(1455~1468) and reached the peak point when King Seongjong rose. He started office life in 24 years old and got a dangsanggwan position, the major third rank, 10 years later. He took office as the minister of the Ceremonies Board in 1466, King Sejo's 12th ruling year. He died at 1483 with two titles as a meritorious retainers without taking the position for state councilor. Key point of his success was to have taken good results, ranked the first class, in the successive two tests by King Sejo for inservice officers. This enabled hime to get dangsoangwan and panseo post. He was a ceremony and writing expert whom the dynasty need for establishing confucian state and keeping stable relations with Ming China. He went through almost all posts in the Ceremonies Board from jwarang(assistant section chief) to panseo (Minister). He had his son got to married to a grand daughter of Sin Sukju, first class meritorious retainer. It helped him to get the meritorious title. He participated in discussion sessions with the king Seong Jong as a Gyeongyeongwan holding additional posts and meritorious retainer. Seongjong left his first son who acceded to the throne later in Kang's care for several years and nominated him for Yijo-panseo positon, Minister of Personnel. His success story shows that in Joseon society a person could not success depending solely on one's family. For successful office life it requires to be a fine writer and to get a special status like a meritorious title.

        • KCI등재

          조선 세종조의 國家禮 정비와 五禮의 성립

          강제훈(Kang, Jae Hoon) 고려사학회 2021 한국사학보 Vol.0 No.82

          이글은 『세종실록』에 수록된 「오례」가 조선 최초의 국가례 편찬물이라는 점에 주목하여 해당 편찬물이 작성될 수 있었던 배경과 특징에 대해 검토한 것이다. 이글에서는 유교적 의례의 정비는 오랜 관습이었던 불교적 생활 관습을 대체하는 목적을 두고 있다는 점을 지적하고, 恒産을 확보하여 恒心을 갖게 한다는 유교적 명제가 세종 시대에 의례의 정비를 통해서 시도되었음을 검토하였다. 민간례와 달리 국가례는 길・흉・군・빈・가례로 범주화된다. 『세종실록』에는 300여 개의 의주가 수록되어 있는데, 유교 의례를 시행하기 위해 이 정도로 많은 의식에 대한 구체적인 검토가 이루어졌음을 보여준다. 『세종실록』의 「오례」는 직접적으로는 세종 26년 국왕의 지시로 정리 작업이 진행되었지만, 저변에 세종 치세 전 기간에 걸친 다양한 의주의 작성과 의례에 대한 검토가 축적되어 있었기 때문에, 국가례로서 오례가 정리될 수 있었다. 이글에서 주요 개념어로서 동시대의 명나라 예제를 時制, 당・송의 제도를 古制, 조선의 습속을 本俗으로 설정하고, 의례 정비의 지향은 최종적으로 유교적 본속을 확립해 가는 과정이었다고 해석하였다. 조선은 명과의 관계에서 명을 時王으로 인정하였다. 이에 준하여 시제를 수용할 적극적인 의사가 있었지만, 명에서 예제를 공개하지 않는 국제적 환경이 조성되었다. 이러한 조건에서 조선 나름의 유교 예제를 추구하였다. 여전히 조선은 시제를 반영하고자 하였지만, 궁여지책으로 당・송의 고제를 능동적으로 참조하였고, 조선 고유의 습속도 유교적 본속을 만들어가는 과정에서 적극 반영하였다. 태종대에는 시제를 주로 채용하고자 하였지만, 시제의 세부사항을 알 수 없는 조건에서 세종 초기에는 당・송의 고제를 전반적인 의례 정비에 원용하게 되었다. 예제에 대한 이해가 심화하면서, 조선 나름의 의례 운영 원리를 마련하게 되었고, 세종 중기부터는 조선 나름의 유교적 본속을 점차 갖추게 됐다. 드디어 세종 후기에 독자적인 오례를 정리하는 작업을 시도하게 되었다. 이렇게 하여 작성된 『세종실록』 「오례」는 미완의 작업이기는 하였지만, 향후 『국조오례의』로 귀결되는 의례 정리 작업의 실제적인 배경이 되었음을 주목하였다. In this paper, the rite system of the Ming Dynasty was conceptualized as the contemporary system, the rite system of the Tang and Song Dynasty as the ancient system, and the customs of Joseon as the regional system. It was interpreted that the purpose of establishment of Confucian rite system in Joseon was to create a Confucian regional system. In Joseon, the emperor of Ming China was recognized as the king of the present era who was ordered by heaven as Confucianism says. Therefore, they wanted to accept Ming China’s ritual system if possible. However, Ming China did not disclose the rite system to Joseon, and recommended that Joseon follow the local system. In Joseon, a long-time Buddhist country, there was virtually no Confucian regional system. Joseon established its own state rite system by referring to the ancient systems of the Tang and Song. Joseon had to make a new rite system for kingdom because all the system of Confucian-style state rite that could be referenced were for the Empire and there were no ones for the Kingdom. The five-categorized rituals were included as an appendix in the Annals of King Sejong. This was the first compilation of Confucianstyle state rite of Joseon. This record was incomplete, but it reflects the achievements of creating a confucian regional system that had been steadily implemented in Joseon. Based on this, Joseon completed more sophisticated five categorized rituals. This was the first example of a Confucian state rite system for the kingdom. Through this, Joseon took a new step toward transforming itself into a Confucian state.

        • KCI등재

          조선초기(朝鮮初期) 국가의례(國家儀禮) 정비의 지향과 원칙 -길례(吉禮),흉례(凶禮)의 상호 영향을 중심으로-

          강제훈 ( Jae Hoon Kang ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2015 民族文化硏究 Vol.68 No.-

          The foundation of Joseon was the crucial turning point in Korean history that made the country oriented towards confucianism. Confucian orientations of Joseon were revealed in practices of Confucian rituals. Three factors were main considerations in the ritual practices in Joseon. irst, rituals in Joseon were state rituals. Confucian rituals were divided into state rituals and private rituals. Private rituals were to practice Zhuzi jiali(朱子家禮) written by Zhu Xi, and Zhuzi jiali was based on the paternal line family system. Since Joseon did not have a paternal line family system, it was difficult to practice Zhuzi jiali even for the ruling class members. They had to focus on the Confucian state rituals at least in the beginning. Second, they tried to apply prince-level ritual system. They could not simply introduce the Chinese system of Confucian state rituals, because the Chinese ritual system was based on the imperial standard. Among the sons of the emperor, those whom the empress gave birth to were entitled to be princes. The king of Joseon was not a prince by blood, but he was recognized and treated as a prince because such was the established relationship between Joseon and Ming. Since there was no separate ritual system for princes, Joseon had to make a new system for prince-level state rituals. Third, they wanted to make patterns for all the state rituals coincide with each other. Confucian state rituals consist of five categories of propitious rituals, felicitation rituals, army rituals, rituals for guests, and rituals of ill omen. Each category again consists of hundreds of rituals. In Joseon they tried to make patterns for rituals in each category coincide with each other. Later on, even the patterns in different categories were made to coincide with each other. So, the use of those same patterns was a way to express that those rituals were rituals of Joseon. Joseon was founded in 1392. In 1474, they published Five-category state rituals of Joseon(『國朝五禮儀』), which was a sign that an organization of state rituals in Joseon was concluded. Five-category state rituals of Joseon reflects the universal Confucian ideal and at the same time contains a special interpretation of the ideal in the form of prince-level ritual system.

        • KCI등재

          조선 光國功臣 金澍의 가문과 관직 생활

          강제훈(Kang, Jae Hoon) 한국인물사연구회 2013 한국인물사연구 Vol.19 No.-

          Kim Ju was a Joseon’s government official in 16th century (1512-1563). At that time, there was a violent political tension in Joseon, but Kim Ju stayed out of the political forefront. He was recognized postmortem as a Gwanggukgongsin (noted servant of the dynasty) for his contribution in settling the 200-year old issue between Joseon and Ming China concerning King Taejo’s family lineage and his alleged assassination of four kings in Goryeo Dyanasty (a.k.a. Jongyebyeonmu). Kim Ju was born in a family that strived for a better status. This family focused on their children’s education and tried to find good spouses for their children. Kim Ju was a beneficiary of these efforts. He won the first place in the state examination for selecting government officials. But even before that, he was married to a royal descendant and thus had a royal background. Kim Ju was a competent government official, and his competence along with his family background was a great asset in his governmental life. He was assigned the duty of Jongyebyeonmu(宗系辨誣) was partly because of Jeong Yugil’s recommendation, who was his close friend and was also close to the king. But his competence and the family background were also non-negligible factors. Kim Ju was recognized as a Gwangukgongsin after he died. His integrity and achievements seem to have been approved: He was remembered on the state level and his achievements were acknowledged.

        • KCI등재

          조선 왕릉과 왕릉 의례의 특징

          강제훈(Kang, Jae-hoon) 고려사학회 2014 한국사학보 Vol.- No.54

          It is said that each royal tomb in Joseon was made with great devotion in considering geomantic principles and strictly observing Confucian etiquette. This article pays attention to Neo-Confucian influences. Fengshui (geomantic idea) in Joseon was different from that of Goryeo. Whereas in Goryeo Fengshui was applied to choices of dwelling places and cities, it was applied to tombs in Joseon. Royal tombs in Joseon represent the beginning of the application of Fengshui to tombs and display the way of its application. The main reason why Fengshui could be applied in the Neo-Confucian society of Joseon was that the both ideas shared the theory of 同氣感應(the same force works). A union of light force and dark force constitutes a human being, and parents and children have the same force. Death means that force gets scattered and returns to the nature. The rituals for ancestors were believed to be means for the children to recall the force of the parents that are assimilated to the nature, and to get the children themselves assimilated to the nature. Fengshui shares with Neo-Confucianism the idea that dead parents may exercise influence on their children because they have the same force. In royal tombs of Joseon forces give and get influences through ceremonies. Royal tombs in Joseon had a ceremonial pavilion and wide space before it. That was the place where ceremonies for the buried were held. In Goryeo Buddhist ceremonies were important. In those ceremonies Buddha was honored and Buddhist monks presided the ceremony. The king was a mere participant. In ceremonies at royal tombs in Joseon the king presided the ceremony, and the dead king and queen were honored. Joseon became a Confucian society from a Buddhist society of Goryeo. Royal tombs in Josen symbolize the Confucian changeover. They were the space for the living people for doing Confucian ceremonies.

        • KCI등재
        • KCI등재

          The Kingship and Establishment of the Chohoe System in Early Chosŏn

          Kang Jae-hoon(강제훈) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2005 International Journal of Korean History Vol.9 No.-

          조선의 조회제도는 전 왕조인 고려의 유산을 물려받는 것으로 초기에는 한 달에 6회 실시하는 아일조회가 대표적인 것이었다. 이 조회는 국왕에 대한 인사와 업무 보고가 합쳐진 의식이었다. 그러나 점차 조회에서 업무 보고는 생략되는 방향으로 정비되었고, 세종에 의해서 매일 시행하는 상참이 시행되면서 조선적인 조회제도의 모습을 갖추어 가게 된다. 『경국대전』 규정에 나타나는 조회제도는 세조의 정비 작업을 거치면서 비로소 그 모습을 드러내게 된다. 『경국대전』에 나타난 조선의 조회제도는 단기간에 완성된 것이 아니라 여러 왕의 손길을 거쳐 장시간에 걸친 정비작업의 결과였다. 조선에서 조회는 왕권이 상대적으로 안정된 시기에 정상적인 시행 모습을 보이고 있었다. 이는 조회가 왕권과 상당히 밀접한 상관성이 있다는 의미로 해석하였다. 조회는 준비 단계에서 진행, 마지막 종료에 이르기까지 전적으로 국왕을 주인공으로 설정하여 시행되는 의식이었다. 조선의 조회의 기본적인 모텔은 중국의 유교적 전통에 따르는 것이었지만, 조회가 시행되는 공간이 다르고, 각각의 절차를 결합하는 방식에서 조선만의 독자적인 형태로 발전되었다. 조회의 현장에서는 국왕을 최상위자로 하여 모든 참여자의 등급이 자리매김 되었다. 각 참여자는 국왕을 향해 네 번 절하는 것을 기본으로 하여 복잡하고 정교한 의식을 진행함으로써 자신이 군왕이 누구인지를 알게 되고, 한편으로 신하로서의 자신의 지위를 분명하게 인식하게 되는 것이 조회가 시행되는 이유였다. 국왕을 정점으로 하는 질서체제는 물론 동아시아 세계질서에 그대로 포섭되는 것이기도 하였다. 외국의 사절들도 조선이 정해놓은 서열과 규칙에 따라 조회에 참여하였고, 이를 통해서 조회에서 당시 사람들이 인식한 세계질서와 서열이 드러나게 되어 있었다. 조회는 원칙적으로 국왕을 위한 것이지만, 참여자가 제한되어 있었고, 절차가 복잡하여 쉽게 숙지하기 어려웠기 때문에 여기에 참여하는 관원들에게 특권의식을 갖게 할 수 있는 것이었다. 제한이라는 특권성에 의해 참여하는 관원 모두에게 특권의 의미가 부여되었다. 이런 점에서 조회는 엘리트 관원을 조선의 국왕을 중심으로 하는 질서체제에 묶음과 동시에 이들을 협력자로 끌어들이는 매개 기능을 수행하기도 하였다.

        • KCI등재

          조선 초기 王室祖上儀禮의 유교적 정비

          강제훈(Kang, Jae-Hoon) 고려사학회 2017 한국사학보 Vol.- No.66

          조선은 즉위교서에서 유교 의례의 실천을 선언하였다. 오랫동안 전통이었던 불교식 조상의례는 국왕과 왕비가 사망하고, 관련된 의례를 진행하게 되면서 유교적 의례로 대체되었다. 종묘 의례는 태조의 사망 후, 태조 神主를 종묘에 모시는 과정에서 조선식의 定形이 마련되었다. 이를 기준으로 山陵과 原廟, 眞殿등의 의례가 정리되었다. 태종 때 부터 종묘는 보편적 유교 의례로 설정되었다. 반면에 俗祭에는 揖, 俯伏등 종묘 의례에 없는 동작을 사용하고 奠幣, 飮福등의 절차를 종묘와 다른 패턴으로 시행하였다. 세종대를 거치면서 점차 조상의례는 유교 의례 기준에 없는 동작은 해소하고, 각각의 절차를 일관된 방식으로 통일하되, 의례 구성에서 어떤 절차를 넣거나 빼거나 하여 서로를 구분하였다. 처음에는 종묘 의례를 기준으로 속제를 정비하였으나, 나중에는 속제의례에서 정리된 패턴으로 종묘 의례를 수정하기도 하였다. 『국조오례의』 왕실 조상의례는 태종대 이래의 일관된 원칙에 따라 정비된 결과물이었다. 正祀인 종묘의례는 동아시아의 보편적 유교의례에 맞게 설정되었다. 俗祭인 문소전과 산릉, 진전 등은 조선 습속을 포함하고 있었다. 그러나 종묘의 어떤 절차가 생략되기는 하였지만, 유교 의례의 기준에 맞았다. 이렇게 정비된 조상의례는 종묘와 속제의 구분 없이 제사가 진행되는 패턴에서는 철저하게 유교적이었다. 의례는 사회 전체에서 실행될 수 있을 때, 의미를 갖게된다. 조선이 건국되었을 때는 이미 불교적 조상의례의 전통이 오랜 습속으로 자리 잡고 있었다. 이를 대체하는 것은 정치적 선언만으론 불가능하였다. 더구나 부모를 위하는 의례는 이를 시행하는 자손의 심적인 위안으로 기능할 수 있어야 했다. 낯설고 준비하기 어려운 유교 원칙이 적용된 종묘의례는 사회 일반이 실행할 수 없었고, 설령 가능하다고 해도, 이를 통해 위안을 받는다는 의례 목적이 달성될 수 없었다. 종묘 의례의 정비는 유교 의례의 기본적 전제였다. 그러나 이것만으로 가능하지 않았던 조상 의례의 사회적 확산은 속제 범주의 의례가 마련됨으로써 가능할 수 있었다. Joseon proclaimed the implementation of Confucian rituals at the enthronement message. Buddhist style ancestral rituals, which had been traditionally applied for a long period, were replaced with Confucian rituals when related rituals were implemented after the death of kings and queens. Joseon-style rituals were established at the Jongmyo Shrine during the process to enshrine the tablet of King Taejo after his death. Various rituals such as those at the royal tombs, private shrines, and portrait shrines were formalized based on the rituals used at the Jongmyo Shrine. Meanwhile, movements such as prostrations and bowing with hands clasped, which were not included in the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine, were applied during local Confucian rituals for ancestors. Procedures such as sacrificial libations (offering of silk cloth) and the partaking of sacrificial food and drink were implemented in a different manner from the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine. The procedures for ancestral rituals were gradually unified during the reign of King Sejong by mitigating movements that were not included in the standard Confucian rituals and adding or omitting other procedures when a ritual ceremony was composed. Local Confucian rituals for ancestors were originally organized based on the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine. However, the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine were subsequently modified to reflect the patterns established at the local Confucian rituals for ancestors. The ancestral rituals for the royal family found in the Gukjo Oryeui (Five Rites of State) were the result of the presence of consistent principles since the reign of King Taejong. The rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine, which represented the Joseon dynasty’s official ritual system, were setup in accordance with the universal Confucian rituals of East Asia. The Munso Shrine, royal tombs, and portrait shrines, all of which fell under the category of local Confucian rituals for ancestors, reflected the traditional folkways of Joseon. Although some of the procedures were omitted, these were well suited for the Confucian rituals. The established ancestral rituals thoroughly exhibited the Confucian style in that these rituals proceeded in a manner that did not differentiate between the Jomyo Shrine and local Confucian rituals for ancestors. Rituals implications and significance lay in the fact that they are implemented in the entire society. Buddhist-style ancestral rituals had already become entrenched by the time the Joseon dynasty was founded. These Buddhist-style ancestral rituals could not be removed solely based on political proclamations. Furthermore, the ancestral rituals for parents only became possible when they functioned as a psychological consolation for the descendants who implemented the rituals. The general people of the Joseon dynasty could not implement the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine involving strange and difficult Confucian principles. Although the rites spread to the masses, the goals of the rituals to receive consolation could not be achieved. The organization of rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine became the basic prerequisite for Confucian rituals. The social diffusion of ancestral rituals became possible once the local confucian rituals for ancestors were established.

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          조선초기의 富商 許繼智의 신분과 권력 배경

          강제훈(Kang Jae-hoon) 한국사연구회 2002 한국사연구 Vol.119 No.-

          This is a case study on a wealthy merchant, Huh Kye-ji in early Chosun. He, recorded as a great merchant in the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty, was misunderstood from a merchant family. Usually records of Chosun period didn't pay attention to the people from lower class, like Huh Kye-ji. But he was counted in several scandals and so fortunately put on records, including the Annals of Chosun Dynasty, Until now genealogy books didn't get attention in some studies on him. Through scandal records in the Annals and several genealogy books this study aims at fixing the misunderstand of Huh and showing the family background of wealthy merchants and the way to make a lot of money to be a wealthy merchant in early Chosun. Huh Kye-ji was a concubine's son. Huh An-suk, a members of Yang ban, leading class, was the father of him and whose mother Choong-gae was a slave, owned by Lee, Huh An-auk's legitimate wife. After the death of his parents, he charged Lee, his father's legitimate wife, to claim to be concubine's son of Huh, Finally he closed the suit and won the right to be heir to property and ceremony for Huh An-suk in spite of an attempt by full-blooded aristocrat relatives and the collusion of officials. Sim Hwan, Huh's son in law, was a member of Sim family. Sim was a concubine's grandchild of Sim On who was king Sejong's father in law and dead to be a traitor against king Taejong. King Munjong restored Sim's family. Huh, connected with Sim, won the case on the king Munjong's court with backing of restored Sim family, Huh Kye-ji was a slave in formal status but his handicap in social standing didn't talk, Later Huh sponsored king Sejo's coup d'etat with Sim's family and his foster daughter to be queen getting married to king Sungjong. Hub Kye-ji acted as a middleman for tax payments, became more rich, He constructed a grand house in a luxurious setting, far surpassing the bounds of sumptuous law. Huh's political connections came in pretty handy to make his wealth. Throughout Chosun concubine's son and their descendants would not be allowed to serve in high offices, Huh Kye-ji and Sim Hwan were concubine's sons and engaged in tax contracting as wealthy merchants. They were kind of an upstart in middlemen. So this study concluded that the wealthy merchants in early Chosun made their money with taking advantage of political background and concubine's son should be taken into serious consideration as a social status of wealthy merchants in Chosun.

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