조선초기 문신 姜希孟의 관직생활

강제훈(Kang Jae-hoon) 한국인물사연구소 2008 한국인물사연구 Vol.9 No.-

This study aimed at looking into Kang Hui-maeing's office life for the understanding of the early Joseon society dominated by yangban(two upper classes). Through reviewing on his life we can interpret constant factors to make his way in office life in Joseon as well as variable ones. He was out of top drawer, a nephew of King Sejong's wife and got the first position in the civil service examination come up 1447, King Sejong's 29th year. He enjoyed a success career during King Sejo's ruling period(1455~1468) and reached the peak point when King Seongjong rose. He started office life in 24 years old and got a dangsanggwan position, the major third rank, 10 years later. He took office as the minister of the Ceremonies Board in 1466, King Sejo's 12th ruling year. He died at 1483 with two titles as a meritorious retainers without taking the position for state councilor. Key point of his success was to have taken good results, ranked the first class, in the successive two tests by King Sejo for inservice officers. This enabled hime to get dangsoangwan and panseo post. He was a ceremony and writing expert whom the dynasty need for establishing confucian state and keeping stable relations with Ming China. He went through almost all posts in the Ceremonies Board from jwarang(assistant section chief) to panseo (Minister). He had his son got to married to a grand daughter of Sin Sukju, first class meritorious retainer. It helped him to get the meritorious title. He participated in discussion sessions with the king Seong Jong as a Gyeongyeongwan holding additional posts and meritorious retainer. Seongjong left his first son who acceded to the throne later in Kang's care for several years and nominated him for Yijo-panseo positon, Minister of Personnel. His success story shows that in Joseon society a person could not success depending solely on one's family. For successful office life it requires to be a fine writer and to get a special status like a meritorious title.

조선 초기 俗祭 祭祀床의 구성과 그 특징

강제훈(Kang, Jae-Hoon) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.60

조선에서는 장기간에 걸쳐 유교적 조상 의례를 정비하였고, 『국조오례의』는 그러한 작업의 결과였다. 『국조오례의』에는 정식의 유교 제사인 종묘 외에도, 유교 제사의 범주에 포함되지만, 종묘와는 구분하여 俗祭로 분류한 제사가 있었다. 文昭殿과 眞殿, 山陵이 그것인데, 각각 位牌와 御眞, 體魄을 모신 공간이었고, 신주를 세워서 제사하는 종묘와는 구분되었다. 이들은 제사 의식이 종묘와 다르게 설정되었지만, 무엇보다 신과 소통하는 매개물인 제수에서 뚜렷하게 구분되는 특징이 있었다. 이 글은 속제의 제사상 구성을 분석하여 조선에서 시도된 유교적 의례 정비의 특색을 밝히고자 하였다. 종묘의 제사상이 일상적인 음식을 배제하고 철저하게 규정된 제수를 사용한 반면, 속제의 제사상은 일상의 잔치나 외국 사신 접대 등에 동일하게 사용되는 것이었다. 속제의 제사상은 본래는 흉례의 혼전과 산릉에 사용되었던 것이 각각 길례의 원묘와 산릉으로 계승되어 사용되었다. 원묘에서는 生時와 같이 섬긴다는 원칙에 의해 평소 즐기던 肉饍을 사용하고, 산릉에서는 이를 배제하여 제사상이 구성되었다. 이런 차이에도 불구하고 속제의 제사상은 대개는 찬탁과 협탁으로 동일하게 구성되었다. 찬탁은 유밀과를 사용하여 4행으로 구성되는 상이었고, 찬탁은 식용을 목적으로 마련된 면이나 탕등을 올리는 상이었다. 원묘의 제사상에 肉饍을 더하는 결정은 속제라는 범주의 제사상에 유밀과를 공통으로 하는 보편성과 함께 평시의 식성을 고려하여 祭需를 다양하게 만들 수 있는 가능성을 열게 하였다. 속제의 제사상 규정은 종합적으로 해석할 때, 조선에서 유교 국가로의 전환이 전통을 계승하면서 현실의 다양성과 유교적 엄밀성을 동시에 추구하면서 이루어졌음을 보여주는 것이다. The 〈Five Rites of State (Gukjo oryeui)〉 was the result of the Confucianism-based ancestral rites established by Joseon over a long period of time. The 〈Five Rites of State〉 included the local ancestral rituals (sokje) spun off from the official Confucian rites conducted at the Royal Ancestral Shrine (jongmyo). The local ancestral rituals (sokje) included those at the Munso royal shrine (Munsojeon), royal portrait halls (jinjeon), and royal tombs (sanneung). These were spaces in which memorial tablets (wipae), royal portraits (eojin) and corpses (chebaek) separated from the Royal Ancestral Shrine were enshrined so that ritual ceremonies could be conducted in front of the ancestral tablet (sinju). The local ancestral rituals were somewhat different from those conducted at the Royal Ancestral Shrine. In particular, ritual food (jesu) was served as a vehicle through which to communicate with the gods. This study focuses on the characteristics of the Confucian ancestral ritual system implemented in Joseon based on an analysis of the composition of the food table set up for local ancestral rituals. The ritual table for the Royal Ancestral shrine was meticulously prepared based on specifically designated foods other than everyday foods. Meanwhile, the food table used for local ancestral rituals was akin to those used for regular banquets and during receptions for foreign envoys. The food table for local ancestral rituals was originally used at the spirit hall (honjeon) during the funeral process as well as at the royal tombs. However, this was eventually extended to include the Royal’s Private Ancestral Shrine (wonmyo) and royal tombs used during auspicious rites (gilye) designed to worship heaven, earth, famous mountains and long rivers. In accordance with the principle of enshrining the deceased as if they were still alive, the meat dishes said to be enjoyed by the deceased were served on the food table during the ceremonies at the Royal’s Private Ancestral Shrine (wonmyo). On the other hand, the food table for royal tombs excluded meat dishes. Despite these differences, the food table for local ancestral rituals generally consisted of chantak and hyeoptak. Chantak referred to a food table based on four rows of oil-and-honey pastry while hyeoptak indicated a food table that revolved around noodles and soup prepared for consumption. The decision to add meat dishes to the food table for the rituals at the Royal’s Private Ancestral Shrine opened up the possibility of diversifying the sorts of ritual foods to include those used in local ancestral rituals that included not only the universal oil-and-honey pastry but also deceased’s favorite foods. A comprehensive interpretation of the food regulations associated with local ancestral ritual imply that the transformation of Joseon into a Confucian state was carried out based on a combination of the inheritance of tradition, actual variations, and Confucian rigidity.

조선 중엽 金萬鎰의 獻馬 업적과 관직 제수

강제훈(Kang, Jae-hoon) 호서사학회 2014 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.70

조선 초기 正至會禮 의식의 정비와 운용

강제훈(Kang Jae-hoon) 고려사학회 2009 한국사학보 Vol.- No.34

In early Joseon they had a New year and the Winter Solstice's feast with Confucian Style. The feast was called Jeong Ji Hoe-rye (正至會禮), Jeong means a New Year's Day, Ji means The winter Solstice and Hoe-rye is the great feast for king and all kind of officers. The revision of the protocol for the feast reflected the result from the 100year's long efforts to make the confucian style rites for the court rituals since founding the dynasty. The feast consists of two main procedures, the first is to toast to king s longevity and the second is for all participants to drink nine times turn. In the toating procedure the Crown Prince devotes the first cup to the king and the prime minister the second. After that procedure all participants move to the places for drinking and have drinking procedure in song and dance performances. King was the center of the world like the North Star in the space and organizer in the feast. In Johoe(朝會, court conference) all participants were organized in single oder according to the office ranks from first to nine. In contrast the feast participants were placed in a complex order. The kindred of the king(宗親) was located in the closer place to the king comparing to ordinary officers located in the yard. The king's literary officers(侍臣) were privileged locating in the stairs. On the other hand. the places for foreigners were prepared the outmost points near the gate. The purpose of the feast. formally, is for the king and his officers to enjoy together. The closer places to the king show their superior position to others' so the feast had a role to show the difference between participants and the principle that king was the single core in the rank system.

조선 光國功臣 金澍의 가문과 관직 생활

강제훈(Kang, Jae Hoon) 한국인물사연구회 2013 한국인물사연구 Vol.19 No.-

Kim Ju was a Joseon’s government official in 16th century (1512-1563). At that time, there was a violent political tension in Joseon, but Kim Ju stayed out of the political forefront. He was recognized postmortem as a Gwanggukgongsin (noted servant of the dynasty) for his contribution in settling the 200-year old issue between Joseon and Ming China concerning King Taejo’s family lineage and his alleged assassination of four kings in Goryeo Dyanasty (a.k.a. Jongyebyeonmu). Kim Ju was born in a family that strived for a better status. This family focused on their children’s education and tried to find good spouses for their children. Kim Ju was a beneficiary of these efforts. He won the first place in the state examination for selecting government officials. But even before that, he was married to a royal descendant and thus had a royal background. Kim Ju was a competent government official, and his competence along with his family background was a great asset in his governmental life. He was assigned the duty of Jongyebyeonmu(宗系辨誣) was partly because of Jeong Yugil’s recommendation, who was his close friend and was also close to the king. But his competence and the family background were also non-negligible factors. Kim Ju was recognized as a Gwangukgongsin after he died. His integrity and achievements seem to have been approved: He was remembered on the state level and his achievements were acknowledged.

조선 초기 勳戚 韓明澮의 관직 생활과 그 특징

강제훈(Kang Jae-Hoon) 역사실학회 2010 역사와실학 Vol.43 No.-

朝鮮初期 徭役制에 대한 재검토

姜制勳(Kang Jae-hoon) 역사학회 1995 역사학보 Vol.145 No.-

조선 세종조의 國家禮 정비와 五禮의 성립

강제훈(Kang, Jae Hoon) 고려사학회 2021 한국사학보 Vol.- No.82

이글은 『세종실록』에 수록된 「오례」가 조선 최초의 국가례 편찬물이라는 점에 주목하여 해당 편찬물이 작성될 수 있었던 배경과 특징에 대해 검토한 것이다. 이글에서는 유교적 의례의 정비는 오랜 관습이었던 불교적 생활 관습을 대체하는 목적을 두고 있다는 점을 지적하고, 恒産을 확보하여 恒心을 갖게 한다는 유교적 명제가 세종 시대에 의례의 정비를 통해서 시도되었음을 검토하였다. 민간례와 달리 국가례는 길・흉・군・빈・가례로 범주화된다. 『세종실록』에는 300여 개의 의주가 수록되어 있는데, 유교 의례를 시행하기 위해 이 정도로 많은 의식에 대한 구체적인 검토가 이루어졌음을 보여준다. 『세종실록』의 「오례」는 직접적으로는 세종 26년 국왕의 지시로 정리 작업이 진행되었지만, 저변에 세종 치세 전 기간에 걸친 다양한 의주의 작성과 의례에 대한 검토가 축적되어 있었기 때문에, 국가례로서 오례가 정리될 수 있었다. 이글에서 주요 개념어로서 동시대의 명나라 예제를 時制, 당・송의 제도를 古制, 조선의 습속을 本俗으로 설정하고, 의례 정비의 지향은 최종적으로 유교적 본속을 확립해 가는 과정이었다고 해석하였다. 조선은 명과의 관계에서 명을 時王으로 인정하였다. 이에 준하여 시제를 수용할 적극적인 의사가 있었지만, 명에서 예제를 공개하지 않는 국제적 환경이 조성되었다. 이러한 조건에서 조선 나름의 유교 예제를 추구하였다. 여전히 조선은 시제를 반영하고자 하였지만, 궁여지책으로 당・송의 고제를 능동적으로 참조하였고, 조선 고유의 습속도 유교적 본속을 만들어가는 과정에서 적극 반영하였다. 태종대에는 시제를 주로 채용하고자 하였지만, 시제의 세부사항을 알 수 없는 조건에서 세종 초기에는 당・송의 고제를 전반적인 의례 정비에 원용하게 되었다. 예제에 대한 이해가 심화하면서, 조선 나름의 의례 운영 원리를 마련하게 되었고, 세종 중기부터는 조선 나름의 유교적 본속을 점차 갖추게 됐다. 드디어 세종 후기에 독자적인 오례를 정리하는 작업을 시도하게 되었다. 이렇게 하여 작성된 『세종실록』 「오례」는 미완의 작업이기는 하였지만, 향후 『국조오례의』로 귀결되는 의례 정리 작업의 실제적인 배경이 되었음을 주목하였다. In this paper, the rite system of the Ming Dynasty was conceptualized as the contemporary system, the rite system of the Tang and Song Dynasty as the ancient system, and the customs of Joseon as the regional system. It was interpreted that the purpose of establishment of Confucian rite system in Joseon was to create a Confucian regional system. In Joseon, the emperor of Ming China was recognized as the king of the present era who was ordered by heaven as Confucianism says. Therefore, they wanted to accept Ming China’s ritual system if possible. However, Ming China did not disclose the rite system to Joseon, and recommended that Joseon follow the local system. In Joseon, a long-time Buddhist country, there was virtually no Confucian regional system. Joseon established its own state rite system by referring to the ancient systems of the Tang and Song. Joseon had to make a new rite system for kingdom because all the system of Confucian-style state rite that could be referenced were for the Empire and there were no ones for the Kingdom. The five-categorized rituals were included as an appendix in the Annals of King Sejong. This was the first compilation of Confucianstyle state rite of Joseon. This record was incomplete, but it reflects the achievements of creating a confucian regional system that had been steadily implemented in Joseon. Based on this, Joseon completed more sophisticated five categorized rituals. This was the first example of a Confucian state rite system for the kingdom. Through this, Joseon took a new step toward transforming itself into a Confucian state.

조선 世宗朝의 조회

강제훈(Kang Jae-Hoon) 한국사연구회 2005 한국사연구 Vol.128 No.-

This paper analyzes the sangch'am(常參), the meeting performed every morning to hold audience with King Sejong, from three different periods. The morning meeting is a ritual based on formality. King Sejong conducted the sisa (視事) an average of eight times per month during the first phase (the enthronement year to the tenth year). Into the second phase (the 11<SUP>th</SUP> year to 22<SUP>nd</SUP> year), he performed nine morning meetings but the frequency of sisa was reduced to an average of four times. About 60 percent of the morning meetings performed during the second phase were for their own purpose. While King Sejong passionately undertook the morning meetings, he was able to implement extensive reforms and establish a Chos?n-style of morning meeting with its own rituals distinct from the Kory? period (918-1392). As sangch'am was renounced in the third phase (the 22<SUP>nd</SUP> to the 32<SUP>nd</SUP> year), morning meetings were once again performed once a month. There were also attempts to perform this ceremony with a crown prince as substitute. Aside from the first day of each month, the morning meeting with the crown prince was performed with court ritual music, koch'iak(鼓吹樂). Vassal's ch'ingsin(稱臣) toward the crown prince was allowed. As ch'ingsin was allowed, sabae(四拜) and ?ichang(儀仗) were also allowed to be exercised. On the other hand, because he was not a King, some elements remained inaccessible. Nammy?n(南麵), for instance, was not allowed until the end. Court music was strictly reserved for rituals for the King and civil-military government officials. The attire of the higher rank officials such as chobok(朝服) and kongbok(公服) were worn exclusively for the rituals directed to King. The meeting on the first day of the month was allowed but accompanying ritual etiquette was barred. Sejong was a king who expressed great interest in the morning meetings. He was very concerned with instituting various court rituals to manifest the differences between the king and his subjects. As a result, morning meetings for the King became instantly recognized. Sejong conducted the morning meetings as often as possible. It should not be said that morning meetings themselves stabilized sovereignty. However, it is clear that the regular performance of the morning meetings did ensure royal authority.

조선 초기 王室祖上儀禮의 유교적 정비

강제훈(Kang, Jae-Hoon) 고려사학회 2017 한국사학보 Vol.- No.66

조선은 즉위교서에서 유교 의례의 실천을 선언하였다. 오랫동안 전통이었던 불교식 조상의례는 국왕과 왕비가 사망하고, 관련된 의례를 진행하게 되면서 유교적 의례로 대체되었다. 종묘 의례는 태조의 사망 후, 태조 神主를 종묘에 모시는 과정에서 조선식의 定形이 마련되었다. 이를 기준으로 山陵과 原廟, 眞殿등의 의례가 정리되었다. 태종 때 부터 종묘는 보편적 유교 의례로 설정되었다. 반면에 俗祭에는 揖, 俯伏등 종묘 의례에 없는 동작을 사용하고 奠幣, 飮福등의 절차를 종묘와 다른 패턴으로 시행하였다. 세종대를 거치면서 점차 조상의례는 유교 의례 기준에 없는 동작은 해소하고, 각각의 절차를 일관된 방식으로 통일하되, 의례 구성에서 어떤 절차를 넣거나 빼거나 하여 서로를 구분하였다. 처음에는 종묘 의례를 기준으로 속제를 정비하였으나, 나중에는 속제의례에서 정리된 패턴으로 종묘 의례를 수정하기도 하였다. 『국조오례의』 왕실 조상의례는 태종대 이래의 일관된 원칙에 따라 정비된 결과물이었다. 正祀인 종묘의례는 동아시아의 보편적 유교의례에 맞게 설정되었다. 俗祭인 문소전과 산릉, 진전 등은 조선 습속을 포함하고 있었다. 그러나 종묘의 어떤 절차가 생략되기는 하였지만, 유교 의례의 기준에 맞았다. 이렇게 정비된 조상의례는 종묘와 속제의 구분 없이 제사가 진행되는 패턴에서는 철저하게 유교적이었다. 의례는 사회 전체에서 실행될 수 있을 때, 의미를 갖게된다. 조선이 건국되었을 때는 이미 불교적 조상의례의 전통이 오랜 습속으로 자리 잡고 있었다. 이를 대체하는 것은 정치적 선언만으론 불가능하였다. 더구나 부모를 위하는 의례는 이를 시행하는 자손의 심적인 위안으로 기능할 수 있어야 했다. 낯설고 준비하기 어려운 유교 원칙이 적용된 종묘의례는 사회 일반이 실행할 수 없었고, 설령 가능하다고 해도, 이를 통해 위안을 받는다는 의례 목적이 달성될 수 없었다. 종묘 의례의 정비는 유교 의례의 기본적 전제였다. 그러나 이것만으로 가능하지 않았던 조상 의례의 사회적 확산은 속제 범주의 의례가 마련됨으로써 가능할 수 있었다. Joseon proclaimed the implementation of Confucian rituals at the enthronement message. Buddhist style ancestral rituals, which had been traditionally applied for a long period, were replaced with Confucian rituals when related rituals were implemented after the death of kings and queens. Joseon-style rituals were established at the Jongmyo Shrine during the process to enshrine the tablet of King Taejo after his death. Various rituals such as those at the royal tombs, private shrines, and portrait shrines were formalized based on the rituals used at the Jongmyo Shrine. Meanwhile, movements such as prostrations and bowing with hands clasped, which were not included in the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine, were applied during local Confucian rituals for ancestors. Procedures such as sacrificial libations (offering of silk cloth) and the partaking of sacrificial food and drink were implemented in a different manner from the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine. The procedures for ancestral rituals were gradually unified during the reign of King Sejong by mitigating movements that were not included in the standard Confucian rituals and adding or omitting other procedures when a ritual ceremony was composed. Local Confucian rituals for ancestors were originally organized based on the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine. However, the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine were subsequently modified to reflect the patterns established at the local Confucian rituals for ancestors. The ancestral rituals for the royal family found in the Gukjo Oryeui (Five Rites of State) were the result of the presence of consistent principles since the reign of King Taejong. The rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine, which represented the Joseon dynasty’s official ritual system, were setup in accordance with the universal Confucian rituals of East Asia. The Munso Shrine, royal tombs, and portrait shrines, all of which fell under the category of local Confucian rituals for ancestors, reflected the traditional folkways of Joseon. Although some of the procedures were omitted, these were well suited for the Confucian rituals. The established ancestral rituals thoroughly exhibited the Confucian style in that these rituals proceeded in a manner that did not differentiate between the Jomyo Shrine and local Confucian rituals for ancestors. Rituals implications and significance lay in the fact that they are implemented in the entire society. Buddhist-style ancestral rituals had already become entrenched by the time the Joseon dynasty was founded. These Buddhist-style ancestral rituals could not be removed solely based on political proclamations. Furthermore, the ancestral rituals for parents only became possible when they functioned as a psychological consolation for the descendants who implemented the rituals. The general people of the Joseon dynasty could not implement the rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine involving strange and difficult Confucian principles. Although the rites spread to the masses, the goals of the rituals to receive consolation could not be achieved. The organization of rituals at the Jongmyo Shrine became the basic prerequisite for Confucian rituals. The social diffusion of ancestral rituals became possible once the local confucian rituals for ancestors were established.