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푸틴 집권3기 러시아의 대외정책 -주요 지역과의 관계를 중심으로-
강봉구 대한정치학회 2013 大韓政治學會報 Vol.20 No.1
푸틴 집권3기에 유라시아지역의 ‘독자적 강대국’ 노선이라는 러시아 대외정책노선은 그대로 유지될 것이지만, 전혀 변화가 없는 것은 아니다. 2008년 국제금융위기의 충격 과 여파로부터 벗어나는 과정에서부터 대외전략의 강조점이 하나의 초점으로 맞추어지고 있는데, 그것은 ‘강대국으로서의 정상화 전략’이다. 서방에 대한 모스크바 대외정 책의 접근방법은 현안의 성격(제로-섬 혹은 윈-윈)에 달려 있으며, 태도는 서방이 푸 틴의 러시아를 어떻게 수용하고 대하는가에 달려있다. 러시아의 대외정책에서 비중이 더 커져가고 있는 중국은 G2체제의 한 축으로 부상하면서 국제세력관계의 구성과 배 열을 바꾸고 있다. 러시아는 중국의 총체적 국력이 미국과 대등한 수준에 근접하게 될 때까지는 이전처럼 중국과 긴밀한 ‘전략적 동반자’ 관계를 유지하면서, 사안에 따라 미 국과 중국 어느 한편에 ‘편승’하고 ‘균형’하는 유연한 전략을 지속할 것이다.
강봉구 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2019 중소연구 Vol.42 No.4
The purpose of this study is to discuss the politico-economic and international context of the China-Pakistan economic corridor (CPEC) project and how it will affect China-India-Pakistan relations. The core meaning of CPEC in bilateral relations between China and Pakistan is that it has transformed a long-standing political, diplomatic, and military relations maintained for more than half a century into the multi-faceted strategic cooperation partnership with full-scale economic cooperation. These changes are expected to help secure the stability and sustainability of the China-Pakistan relations. The rivalry and confrontation in the Indian and South Asian regions between the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy and the China-Pakistan strategic partnership which is further strengthening by the CPEC would not necessarily lead to the cooling of China-India relations and the spiral of politico-military tensions. First, since there is an asymmetry of threat perception between China and India, it is unlikely that the 'security dilemma' between the hostile countries will be automatically activated; second, since India will reject the role of the frontline state for curbing China, and New Delhi has no intention of giving up its strategic autonomy in line with the strategic initiative of the United States and Japan. The impact of the CPEC on the China-India-Pakistani trilateral relations will be more complex, multi-faceted, and multi-layered. 본 연구의 목적은 중-파경제회랑 사업은 어떤 정치경제적ㆍ국제적 맥락에서 진행되며, 중국-인도-파키스탄 관계에 어떤 영향을 미칠 것인가를 논구하는 데 있다. 중국과 파키스탄 양자관계에서 중-파경제회랑의 핵심적 의미는 장기간 유지되어 온 정치, 외교, 군사적 관계에 전면적 경제협력을 더하여 다면적인 전략적협력동반자관계로 전환하였다는 데 있다. 이러한 변화는 양자관계의 안정성과 지속성을 확보하는 데 큰 도움이 될 것으로 전망된다. 인도양과 남아시아지역에서 중-파경제회랑 사업으로 더 심화될 중국-파키스탄 전략적 동반자관계와 미국-인도-일본이 주도하는 인도-태평양 전략 간의 경합과 대립이 반드시 중국-인도 관계의 냉각과 정치군사적 긴장으로 귀결되는 않을 것이다. 먼저, 중국과 인도간에는 위협인식의 비대칭성이 존재하기 때문에 적대국간의 ‘안보딜레마’가 자동적으로 가동될 가능성이 낮다. 다음으로, 인도는 중국 견제를 위한 전선국가의 역할을 거부할 것이며, 뉴델리는 미국과 일본의 구상에 따라 인도의 전략적 독자성을 포기할 의도가 없기 때문이다. 중-파경제회랑 사업이 중국-인도-파키스탄 삼자관계에 미칠 영향은 단선적이기보다는 복합성ㆍ다면성ㆍ다층성을 보일 것이다.
Understanding the Ukrainian Conflict from the Perspective of Post-Soviet Decolonization
강봉구 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 러시아연구소 2020 REGION Vol.9 No.2
This article aims to explain the causes (in particular, the motives and objectives of Russia’s actions) of the Ukrainian conflict from a decolonization perspective and its impact on Eurasian interstate and West-Russia relations. Russia’s positioning in Eurasian decolonization is identified as “defensive.” This defensive position as a postimperial metropole has been constructed by combining its “semiperipheral” status within the liberal international order with the assertiveness of a “neocolonial” power challenged by “post-colonial” independent countries in Eurasia. To a certain extent, the annexation of Crimea was merely an illegitimate settlement of disputes over property rights between two countries, in that the seizure of Crimea occurred in a combination of several factors at various levels. As a result, the motives and objectives of a Russian invasion can be regarded as neither a challenge to the whole post–Cold War European order nor irredentism to reclaim the territory of the Soviet empire. Consequently, post-Crimea development could herald the closing stage of the historical period called the post-Soviet era as the period of Eurasian decolonization.
강봉구,여준기,심재창 한국멀티미디어학회 2016 멀티미디어학회논문지 Vol.19 No.8
In this study, the system to manage the power automatically was implemented by using Arduino, Raspberry pi, and Beacon technologies. Before the research, pre-research was carried out with the analysis on the existing power management systems in the market in order to find a solution to reduce burdens from standby power and power waste with the increase of electric charges. The system is designed to be able to deliver and receive data through IEEE 802.15.4 wireless protocol, by using Xbee module. Arduino was tested to verify whether it is able to control SSR(Solid State Relay), and it was found that there is no problem. Meanwhile, it was also tested whether it is possible to organize a star topology network through Arduino and Raspberry Pi, and it was confirmed that normal wireless communication is possible through IEEE 802.15.4 wireless protocol. It is designed that the signal from Android smartphone application is to be delivered to Raspberry Pi and then, to be delivered to Arduino through Xbee so that Arduino could control SSR. In addition to this, wireless protocol required to control Arduino with Raspberry Pi is also designed and applied to this research.
강봉구,박성민,김병욱,김준성,김지희,지정선,최황 대한소화기내시경학회 2015 Clinical Endoscopy Vol.48 No.3
Biliary-enteric communications caused by duodenal ulcers are uncommon, and choledochoduodenal fistula (CDF) is by far the most common type. Usually in this situation, food material does not enter the common bile duct because the duodenal lumen is intact. Here, we report a case in which cholangitis occurred due to food materials impacted through a CDF. Duodenal obstruction secondary to duodenal ulcer prevented food passage into the duodenum in this case. Surgical management was recommended; however, the patient refused surgery because of poor general condition. Consequently, the patient expired with sepsis secondary to ascending cholangitis.