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강명관 민족문학사연구소 2012 민족문학사연구 Vol.50 No.-
The pragmatic studies of Joseon, that is, ‘silhak’ makes a pair with the doctrines of Chu-tzu, or the Sung-Confucianism which is positioned in its opposition. This relation ship was based on an assumption that the Sung-Confucianism is the very representation of feudalism and ‘silhak’, anti- or post-feudalism. In other words, it is suggested that ‘silhak’, a critical discourse against the Sung-Confucianism was post-feudal and at the same time oriented modernity. But it is never beyond imagination. Dasan Jeong Yak Yong showed his highest achievement in the study of Confucian classics, though he was deemed a Confucian scholar who completed ‘silhak.’ In that study, he never criticized the Sung-Confucianism or considered it as opposite. In his writing, Maessi Seopyeong, Dasan stood himself against Mo Gi Ryeong who had criticized Chu-tzu, and ultimately advocated the doctrines of the Chinese Confucian scholar, or the Sung-Confucianism. If Dasan actually had the intent to criticize the doctrines of Chu-tzu, he would have agreed on Confucian studies by Mo Gi Ryeong who had a lifetime goal of criticizing Chu-tzu. From the start, Dasan’s studies were not made to be the opposite of the Sung-Confucianism. If ‘silhak’ indicates Dasan’s studies, therefore, it can’t be opposite to the doctrines of Chu-tzu. Confrontation between the Sung-Confucianism and ‘silhak’ was merely a device that nationalist historians of the 20th century purposedly created in order to describe ‘internal modernization.’ If the theory of international modernization is kept advocated based on ‘silhak’, the description of Korean history can’t avoid being put under West-centrism in which the times of the mankind are divided according to the developments of Western history. In this case, the nationalist view of history that puts nation as its top priority is to be fundamentally betrayed. ‘Silhak’ was just a discourse that was proposed in the self-adjustment process of the noble class system. Its ultimate purpose lay in keeping that system more complete. There were neither rejection nor criticism of the political, social, kinship and ethical systems built up based on the Sung-Confucianism. Provided the pragmatic studies of Joseon are kept termed ‘silhak’, It may be reasonable to say them as ‘a reformative discourse given in the self-adjustment process of the noble class system.’ Positioning ‘silhak’ in this way is thought to be best found in Dasan’s writings.
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강명관 동양한문학회 2013 동양한문학연구 Vol.36 No.-
다산은 상고의 유가 경전을 제외하고, 선진양한과 당송의 문학을 몰가치한 것으로 파악했으며, 명·청의 시와 산문(소설과 소품), 비평을 일괄적으로 평가절하를 하였다. 이것은 16세기 후반 명으로부터 의고파가 전래된 이래, 당송파와 공안파·경릉파·전겸익·김성탄 등의 비평에 대해서도 냉담하였다. 특히 소설과 소품 등의 독서에 대해서도 극단적인 비판을 아끼지 않았다. 하지만 이들의 문학이 몰가치한 것은 결코 아니다. 다산의 주장처럼 문학은 윤리와 정치로부터 독립할 수는 없다. 하지만 문학이 오직 유가의 윤리관·정치관과 직선으로 연결되어야만 한다는 주장은 문학의 풍부함과 다양성을 부정하는 경직된 載道論이다. 다산이 경직된 재도론을 펼치게 된 궁극적 원인은 유교 국가이면서도 유가의 이상과는 철저히 배치되는 사회를 그가 정직하게 인식했기 때문일 것이다. 다산의 극단적인 載道的 문학관은 분명 '근본주의'의 속성의 갖는다. 20세기 한국의 文學史家들이 재도론에 그리 호의적이지 않았음에도 사실상 재도론의 극단적 연장이라 할 수 있는 다산의 문학관에 호의를 표한 것은, 재도론에 근거를 둔 다산의 문학관에서 리얼리즘과 민족문학론을 구성해낼 수 있다고 믿었기 때문이다. 하지만 이런 해석이 앞으로도 설득력을 가질지는 의문이다. 다산에 대한 객관적인 시각이 필요하다. As we have discussed, Tasan held the literature of the Qin and Han dynasties and of the Tang and Song dynasties to be of no value, and also depreciated all the poetry and prose writings (novels and short pieces) and criticisms of the Ming and Qing dynasties as a whole. He showed his total indifference to all the criticisms of the Nigu, Tangsong, Gongan, and Jinling Schools and Qian Qianyi and Jin Shengtan that were imported to joseon from the 16th century onward. In particular, he did not spare his extreme criticism against reading such genres as novels and short pieces. Even though modern historians of Korean literature were not very favorable with the Confucian moralist theory of literature (Jaedoron), they showed fairly positive attitudes to Tasan's conception of literature which was in fact an extremist extension of that moralist theory. This must be because modern Koreans believed that realistic literature and nationalist literature could be constructed from Tasan's literary practice based on that Jaedoron. Nonetheless, it is doubtful if such an interpretive frame is yet persuasive. Now it is time for us to take an objective perspective on Tasan and his works.
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姜明官 부산대학교 사범대학 1984 교사교육연구 Vol.9 No.1
Cette e´tude a discute´ des relations amicales, des ouvrages, des styles et Munchaibanc hun de Kim Rye pour comprendre authentiquement la litte´rature de Kim Rye. Il en re´sulte que on a apercu un groupe des e´crivains autour de M.Kim, qui n'ont pas eu attire´ l'attention a´ l'histoire litte´raire, que on a trouve´ qu'ils ont eu influence´ directement et indirectement sur la litterature de M.Kim. Et il a paru que la novelle ve´rite´ que on a eu passe´ sur ses ouvrages a´ l'histoire de la litte´rature. C'est-a`-dire, les ouvrages de M.Kim e´taient e´normes, ils ont eu explore´ un nouveau genre-la prose-sur l'histoire litte´raire a` la fin de la dynastie des Yi. Et son style se dirigeait vers la manie`re de roman, pour cette raison on a apercu qu'il s'est e´te´ rapporte´ a` Munchaibanchun. Non seulement LeeOks' est e´te´ rapporte´ a´ Munchaibanchun, mais Kim Rye et GanIChun. Donc on devrait saisi la norme de Munchaibanchun en plus de ce qu'on a eu apercu. Et il faut remarquer qu'ils e´taient des e´tudiants confucianistes de So˘ngyungwan. Alors, beaucoup de personnes qui ont eu recherche´ la non-orthodoxie a´ l'inte´rieur de So˘ngyungwan qui e´tait l'e´tablissement d'enseigement de l'ide´e confucianiste, et on fait attention a´ cette ve´rite´ dans l'histoire litte´raire. M.Kim n'a pas e´te´ me^le´ directement a´ Munchaibanchun 1797. Mais autour de M.Kim ily avait une foule des hommes savants qui ont e´te´ dans la me^me direction. Pour raison de cela, cet e´ve´nement a de la valeur. On devra e´lucider a´ quelle logique M.Kim s'est e´te´ oppose´ a´ Munchaibanchun et a´ quelle forms ses expe´riences diverses ont e´te´ configure´es dans ses ouvrages.
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