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        • KCI등재

          백립계 다수성 수발아 중도저항성 제면용 밀 신품종 “백중밀”

          박철수,허화영,강문석,이춘기,박광근,김홍식,김학신,황종진,정영근,김정곤,김정곤 한국육종학회 2008 한국육종학회지 Vol.40 No.2

          “aegjoong” a white winter wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) cultivar was developed by the National Institute of Crop Science, RDA. It was derived from the cross “eumkang”“lgeuru”during 1996. “aegjoong”was evaluated as “ksan307”in Advanced Yield Trial Test in 2004. It was tested in the regional yield trial test between 2005 and 2007. “aegjoong”is an awned, semi-dwarf and soft white winter wheat, similar to “eumkang”(check cultivar). The heading and maturing date of “aegjoong” were similar to “eumkang” Culm and spike length of “aegjoong”were 77 cm and 7.5 cm, similar to “eumkang” “aegjoong”had lower test weight (802 g) and lower 1,000-grain weight (39.8 g) than “eumkang”(811 g and 44.0 g, respectively). It had resistance to winter hardiness, wet-soil tolerance and lodging tolerance. “aegjoong”showed moderate to pre-harvest sprouting (23.9%) although “eumkang”is susceptible to pre-harvest sprouting (38.9%). “aegjoong”had similar flour yield (72.4%) and ash content (0.41%) to “eumkang”(72.0% and 0.41%, respectively) and similar flour color to “eumkang” It showed lower protein content (8.8%) and SDS-sedimentation volume (35.3 ml) and shorter mixograph mixing time (3.8 min) than “eumkang”(11.0%, 59.7 ml and 4.5 min, respectively). Amylose content and pasting properties of “aegjoong”were similar to “eumkang” “aegjoong”had softer and more elastic texture of cooked noodles than “eumkang” Average yield of “aegjoong”in the regional adaptation yield trial was 5.88 MT ha-1 in upland and 5.35 MT ha-1 in paddy field, which was 13% and 17% higher than those of “eumkang”(5.21 MT ha-1 and 4.58 MT ha-1, respectively). “aegjoong” would be suitable for the area above the daily minimum temperature of -10℃ in January in Korean peninsula.

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          증례 : 내시경 역행 췌담관조영술 중 경췌중격절개술 후 발생한 벽내 십이지장 혈종 1예 및 문헌고찰

          김정곤 ( Jung Gon Kim ), 백우현 ( Woo Hyun Paik ), 김재형 ( Jae Hyung Kim ), 김정욱 ( Jong Wook Kim ), 배원기 ( Won Ki Bae ), 김남훈 ( Nam Hoon Kim ), 김경아 ( Kyung Ah Kim ), 이준성 ( June Sung Lee ) 대한췌담도학회 2016 대한췌담도학회지 Vol.21 No.1

          내시경 역행 췌담관조영술 중 경췌중격절개술은 선택적 담관 삽관이 어려운 환자에서 성공률을 높일 수 있는 방법으로 알려져 있다. 최근 후향적 연구에서는 경췌중격절개술이 침형절개도를 이용한 조임근절개술보다 효과적이며 안전한 것으로 보고되었다. 그러나 이번 증례에서 담석췌장염 환자에서 경췌중격절개술 후 벽내 십이지장 혈종 및 십이지장 폐쇄가 발생하였고 이로 인해 저혈량쇼크 등 치명적인 합병증이 발생하였다. 따라서 급성 췌장염이 동반된 환자에서 내시경역행췌담관조영술 중 경췌 중격절개술을 시행한 후에는 벽내 십이지장 혈종과 같은 합병증 발생 여부를 주의 깊게 관찰할 필요가 있다고 생각된다. Transpancreatic septotomy is known to improve the success rate of selective bile duct cannulation in endoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography. Recent retrospective study reported that transpancreatic septotomy is more effective and safer than needle knife sphincterotomy. Herein, we report a case of patient with gallstone pancreatitis who suffered from intramural duodenal hematoma after transpancreatic septotomy that caused obstruction of the duodenum and hypovolemic shock. The intramural hematoma improved after conservative management. The rare adverse event such as intramural duodenal hematoma seems to be considered after transpancreatic septotomy, especially when acute pancreatitis is accompanied.

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          특집 기획 : 동아시아 전환기 지식인의 고뇌와 성찰 ; 서촌무수(西村茂樹)의 『일본도덕론』 연구

          김정곤 동양철학연구회 2013 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.73 No.-

          에도시대에 태어나 막말유신을 거쳐 메이지 시대를 산 계몽적 관료이자, 유학자인 니시무라 시게키(1828-1902)는 당시 메이지 신정부의 ‘입신출세'지향적인 교육정책 반대하여 “동경수신학사”를 결성하고 도덕의 부흥을 추구한다. 그가 주로 활동한 시대는 봉건국가에서 국민국가로의 전환의 시대이며, 신분제 폐지등 다양한 제도 개선이 이루어진 시기이다. 그러한 시세의 변화에도 불구하고 봉건시대의 도덕에 만족하여 ‘우활고루(迂闊固陋)한 무리'와, 반대로 ‘이것도 서양, 저것도 서양'이라는 식의 서구화 주의자의 ‘경박자류(輕薄者類)의 무리' 등의 사설과 망론이 횡행하는 시대를 한탄하여 일본도덕론(1887)을 저술하고, 일본에 일정한 도덕적 가르침을 제시하였다. 니시무라 시게키의 『일본도덕론』에 이르기까지의 도덕운동을 통해서 ‘도덕'에 관한 근대일본의 모습을 엿볼 수 있는 좋은 참고서가 될 뿐만 아니라, 일본이 천왕중심의 국민도덕을 강조하는 『교육칙어』의 발판의 역할을 하였음도 이해할 수 있다. 이러한 니시무라의 『일본도덕론』은 막말유신의 일본 지사들에게 다대한 영향을 끼친, 즉일본의 특수성(존왕주의)을 강조한 미토가꾸(水戶學)의 영향이 그의 『일본도덕론』의 근저에 있는 사상이라 볼 수 있다. 西村茂樹(1828-1902)は、江戶時代に生末れ幕末·維新を經て、明治時代を生きた啓蒙的官僚であり、儒學者であった。彼は當時、明治的新政府的‘立身出世'志向的な敎育政策に對して、東京修身學社を結成し、道德的復興を唱元た。彼が主に活躍した時代は封建國家から國民國家へ的 轉換的時代であり、身分制的廢止など樣樣な分野で多樣な制度作りが成り立った時期であった。こ的ような時勢的變化にも關わらず、依然として封建時代的道德に甘んずる。 ‘迂闊固陋'な群れと、一方、それとは逆にこれも西洋あれも西洋という風な西歐化主義者的‘경薄者類'的群れもいた。これら的邪說と妄論的橫行する時代を嘆いて『日本道德論』(1887年)を著述し日本に一定的敎元を提示した的である。西村茂樹的『日本道德論』に至る末で的道德運動を通じて、道德に關する近代日本的樣子を垣間見ることに好い參考書になるだけでなく、日本が天皇中心的國民道德を强調する<敎育勅語>的足掛かり的役割をしたことも推測できる。こ的ような西村的『日本道德論』に現われた精神的根底には、幕末·維新的日本志士たちに多大な影響を與元た理念として、日本的特殊性(尊王主義)を强調した ‘水戶學'と的繫がりも考元られる。

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          셀린느의 『성에서 성으로 D'un château l'autre』에서의 서술상황

          김정곤 한국프랑스학회 2019 한국프랑스학논집 Vol.106 No.-

          Si le roman contient une stratégie narrative de l'écrivain essayant de réagir le lecteur de quelque manière que ce soit, Il peut ê̂tre posé naturellement des question: qui est le narrateur, comment le narrateur dirige l'histoire et quel est l'effet de la narration. Lors de la publication de D'un châ̂teau l'autre, la plupart des gens s'intéressaient davantage au style ou à l'identité du narrateur qu'à l'histoire elle-même. En effet, l'auteur fait fugurer dans le texte non seulement son nom de plume mais aussi son nom d'état civile. Cette étude analyse donc le statut du narrateur et l'aspect du narrataire “vous” dans cet oeuvre, et examine en même temps la fonction que ces deux sujets attachent à ce travail. En général, un narrateur existe dans l'œuvre et se distingue de l'auteur en tant qu'individu dans le monde réel. Cependant, Céline tente d'effacer ou tout au moins de confondre l'écart entre l'écrivain et le narrateur par la transformation d'identité et de rôle du narrateur. Dans ce travail, le narrateur, à l'instar des narrateurs de Proust, se voit confier le rôle de raconter au lecteur, ou d'organiser et de diriger des récits à l'aide de remarques ou des preuves de mémoire. Le récit et le jugement qui se poursuivent pendant la période narrative semblent rappeler au lecteur qu'ils ne sont pas directement impliqués dans le récit et les forcent à ne jamais oublier. La présence du narrateur dans le texte conduit naturellement à la présence des lecteurs. Dans ce travail, la position du narrattaire apparaît également de manière unique. Même lorsqu'il est appelé “vous”, le lecteur ne peut pas s'identifier à un descripteur de fiction, le narrateur étant alors en position de deviner, d'interpréter, de créer et de diriger. Une telle stratégie narrative, d'une part, est un récit de coexistence de deux aspects contradictoires de ce que le narrateur décrit dans cet ouvrage et de ce qu'il en résulte, d'autre part, cela facilite l'imagination du lecteur et lui permet de se familiariser avec le travail en jouant un rôle régulier sans le laisser rester à l'extérieur.

        • 高麗 前期의 救恤 政策에 관한 硏究

          金玎坤 진주교육대학교 1979 論文集 Vol.19 No.1

          This study is an attempt to discover some aspects of the relief policy of the early Koryo period as a part of the study of the entire history of the Korean relief policy. The main sources of information here are from Koryosa (the History of Koryo), and Koryosa-jeolyo (the Concise History of Koryo). The relief policy in Korea has based on the belief of Heaven's Repremand, Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, the thought of Five Elements, Geomancy, etc. It seems remarkable that the thought of Five Elements and Geomancy were the thoughts behind the welfare policy in theearly Koryo period. The policy was generally put into practice directly in response to natural calamities, famine, disease, war, extortion, major national functions, affairs about the royal household, and such things. Among natural disasters damage from drought was most common cause for implementation of the policy. In this respect, it was the same as had been during the Three Kingdoms and the United Silla period. During the early Koryo period, however, there were frequent invasions of the Kiltan and the Jurchen, and the relief policy was mainly for the purpose of helping soldiers, especially the people who lived near the border, and the bereaved families of the war dead. The government authorities took care to save people from the extortion by some corrupt local officials. The policy was sometimes enacted by the direction of the King, and sometimes by the request of Jungseo-seong, Munhaseong, Sangseo-seong, Samsa, Gamchang-sa, Anchal-sa, Do-byongma-sa, Yusa, etc. Through the policy, they helped people in need by providing grain, cloth, food, medcine, medical treatment, and so forth, or by exemption from taxation, compulsory labor, and punishment. People were helped by such a variety of food as salt, soy, gruel, vegetable, etc. The exemption of taxation and labor was determined according to the degree of calamity, and the duration of the exemption varied between half a year and three years. The procedure of giving an account of the calamity to the Governments authorities was very systematic. It was not until King Seongjong in the early Koryo period that they began to help poor patients by providing medcine or medical trearment. It can be observed that the relief policy was arranged to become more concrete, varied, systematic, and consistent in the early Koryo period than it had been in Three Kingdoms and in the United Silla Period. The administrators made clear the applications of talc policy: they exempted the duty of labor and grain depending on the degree of the calamity, helped patients with medcine or medical treatment, provided food, exempted debt. They adapted the policy according to the needs of the seasons. The fact that Heuck-chang in the King Taejo period, Eui-chang and Sangpyong-chang in the King Seongjong period, and Guje-dogam and Hyemin-guk in the King Yejong period were all launched in the early Koryo period will provide evidence of the organization and formalization of the policy. All of these facts mean that during the early Koryo period the relief policy changed to be more effective one in helping people in need more quick1y and consistently and without failure than the relief policies of the previous ages.

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