日本의 淸日戰爭 挑發의 國內的 要因

金麟坤,劉明喆 경북대학교 교육대학원 1985 논문집 Vol.17 No.-

1. Political Factors (1) The aggressive expansionism (2) The necessity for securing Korean Peninsula and Manchuria for the sphere of Japanese interests (3) The confusion of the Japanese domestic politics 2. Economic Factors (1) The necessity for a source of supply for food and gold (2) The urgent aspiration for foreign markets by ecomic depression (3) The commercial competition with china 3. Military Factors (1) The reinforcement of army and naval forces (2) The aggressive war policy of the military

第一共和制의 政治形態

金麟坤,尹錞甲 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1987 社會科學硏究 Vol.3 No.-

This thesis is mainly focused on the political system of the First Republic of korea (1948∼1960) which was learned sufficiently by experience and has come to evaluate and would account for how was the political system shifted from the early national foundation (1948. 8. 1) in association with an amendment of a constitution (1952. 7, 1954. 11). This adoptes mainly legal-institutional approach in order that may attaint this subject of study, and partially others approach for the purpose that may assistance the main approach. It can be concluded that our koreans unfolded the main issues of constitutional government laying stress on but power structure which denoted a power struggle of the ruling classes in Korea individual and economic freedom.

선거에 있어서의 득표율과 의석율간의 비례관계의 실태에 관한 연구(Ⅱ)

金麟坤 慶北大學校 1970 論文集 Vol.14 No.-

The difference between the percentage of votes received and that of parliamentary seats held by each political party is 28.81 percent on an average in the absolute majority representation method elections. The difference between them is 22.65 percent on an average in the majority representation method elections in general. The difference between the percentages mentioned above is 26.45 percent on an average in the limited voting method elections. The difference is 3.72 percent on an average in the cumulative voting method elections. In the single non-transferable voting method elections the difference is 3.1 percent on an average. In general in the minority representation method elections the difference is 11.09 percent on an average. Now, compared with the result of the minority representation method elections, that of the majority representation method elections makes the difference of 11.09 percent to 22.65 percent. Therefore the minority representation method is better than the majority representation method in keeping the proportional relation between the percentage of votes received and that of parliamentary seats held by each party and in securing the representative function of the parliament.

初期 韓美關係에 關한 一考察

金麟坤,閔炳學 경북대학교 교육대학원 1981 논문집 Vol.13 No.-

With its potential role in trade in the Fai-East, the hermit kingdom attracted more and more attention of the western countries. The United States of America which made comparatively late inroads in the region began to knock on the door to Korea with a view to extending its foreign markets. It was successful in prying open the rust door in 1882, but possible with the help of Ching(淸) as Korea still maintained her attitude as a vassal state. Ching(淸) took the lead in the movement partly because it forsaw the final results of irresitable waves from outside and partly because it couldn't exercise its ancient influence over the dependancy as strongly as before. In a word, Ching(淸) adopted a save-face policy after the treaty was signed, Japanese invasion of Korea became brutally frank, while the U.S chose to retreat from its vested rights in favor of the open-treaty policy, at the cost of failing Korea. In conclusion, these historical facts remind us that we can't completly eliminate the notion; there will be no direct confrontation between the two countries but their relations are characterized by variability, depending on the ever-changing developments in the region.

政治參與의 類型과 發展

金麟坤,홍영환 경북대학교 사회과학대학 1982 社會科學 Vol.1 No.-

The main purpose of this paper is to study the patterns and development of political participation in Korea. The salient aspects of political participation are democratic citizenship participation, mobilized participation, and anomic participation. The patterns of political participation in Korea comprise the elements of these all three models characteristically. Democratic citizenship participation is the political acts of voluntary, selfassertive sort. Mobilized participation usually consists of involuntary but supportive actions of individuals or the existing political order. The effects of mobilization are the greatest in the society where face-to-face relationships are predominant, where a subculture requires submissive orientations, in short, where the traditional culture patterns persist strongly. Anomic participation pertains particularly to volatility of political acts, including illegal and illegitimate actions. A variety of variables affects, alone or in combination, the level of citizen's political participation. The first group of variables relates to social position and they are distal determenants, influencing participation through the orientation veriables. The second group of variables is psychological orientations and they exert direct and independent influence, and are thus proximal determinant of participation. Political participation is the most important means by which citizens can influence governmental process. Participation as a means and participation as a by-products have defined the basic character of participation in Korean citizens are now relatively inactive in several modes of participation that require political awareness and a sense of psychological invlovement. It is essential to change from the mobilization model to that of the democratic citizenship. This means that the nature of voting and organizational activity, penetrated by the influence of mobilization, must change so that they become self-assertive activities rather than complaint ones. Furthermore, both the government and the public must make certain conscious efforts to effect these changes. The government should provide maximum opportunities for citizens to freely participation in the political process, and citizens must raise the level of their political consciousness through education or by active involvement in organized groups.

現代 中國外交의 基本性格과 對韓半島政策

金麟坤,윤순갑 慶北大學校 1991 論文集 Vol.51 No.-

This thesis is aimed to analyze the current Chinese foreign policy to the Korean poninsula. The Chinese foreign policy has been formulated by the invariable factors and the variable factors. The invariable factors in the Chinese foreign policy are based on the traditional sinocentricism(中華思想》 and the communism, and the variable factors are based on the Chinese national interests for security and economy. The Red Chinese foreign policy to the Korean peninsula was mainly influenced by the variable factors: security factor and economic factor. And these factors were given different emphasis according to phases: 1) Revolutionary Age(1950's) 2) Antagonistic Age to the USSR(1960's~1970's) 3) Reformative Age(1980's) The Chinese dipiomatic aim in the Korean peninsula is not the destruction of the status quo, but the maintenance of the status quo. Consepuently, Chinese foreign policy to the Korean peninsula is the double-sided stategies: the maintenance strategy of the alliance with North Korea on the side of security and the interest-seeking strategy with South Korea on the side of the economy.

(三) 美國政黨論

金麟坤 경북대학교 법정대학 1970 法大論叢 Vol.8 No.-

政府形態의 類型

金麟坤 경북대학교 사회과학대학 1983 社會科學 Vol.2 No.-

The most common bases of classifications of the forms of government are the number of people in whom the supreme power rests, and the form of government. Accodring to these bases we can classify the form of government as monarchy, aristocracy, dictatorship, and domocracy. We can classify monachy as absolute monarchy and limited monarchy. Absolute monarchy is that ultimately the monarch is the final authority in making, executing and interpreting law. Limited monarchy is a constitutional type of government which the authority of monarch is limited by its constitution. Aristocracy is the government of best, but the perversion of aristocracy is oligarchy which is rule of few for their own interests. Dictatorship is classify as fascist and nazi dictatorship and dictatorship of communist party. Modern democratic governments may be classified as either the presidential or cabinet system of government. The essence of the presidential system is to be found in the that the real or working executive is also the ceremonial chief of state and is neither chosen by, nor responsible to, the legislature. The cabinet system seperates the ceremonial executive from the real, working executive, which consists of the leaders of the political party or coalition having a majority of the seats in the lower or popular branch of the legislature. The cabinet as working executive may dissolve the lower house of parliament and call a new election at its discretion if parliament refuses to enact any legislation of importance which it proposes, or votes lack of confidence in government. Because of greater responsiveness to public opinion through the resignation of the cabinet or the dissolution of the legislature the cabinet system is more reasonable than the presidential system for realizing democracy.

上海臨時政府의 樹立經緯

金麟坤,申仁恒 경북대학교 사회과학대학 1985 社會科學 Vol.4 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to learn lessons from analyzing followings: (1) details of five internal and external provisional government formation after 3·1 Independence Movement, (2) details of unification of these provisional governments and formation of "Dae Han Min Kuk(大韓民國) Provisional Government" in Shang-hai, and (3) internal and external situations faced by this unified shang-hai provisional government in the early stage. After 3·1 Independence Movement, "Dae Han Kuk Min Parliamentary Goverment" in Russia, "Dae Han Min Kuk Provisional Goverment" in Shang-hai, "Han Sung(漢城) Provisional Goverment" in Seoul, "Shin Han Min Kuk(新韓民國) Provisional Goverment" in Pyung-An-Do(平安道) Province, "Dae Han Civilian Government" in Ki-ho(畿湖) distict are formed or planned. Of these, provisional government formed in Shang-hai, in Russia, and in seoul are government to speak of in respect of size and activities. But others ate in name only. North-east region of Russia was appropriate for indepenbence movement because that region is not far from Korea, it was possible to keep away from eye of Japan in there, and over half million-Koreans were living there. So a provisional government was formed in the very first and their activities were brisk. But the method of their independence movement was Marxismatic and violent. As an international city, Shang-hai was convenient region to contact and it was oossible to keep away from eye of Japan in there. So many patriots of indepence movement came there. The leaders of provisional government of this region showed democratic and peaceful inclination. Leaders who led the 3·1 Independence Movement participated in the provisional government in Seoul. It was most legitimate provisional government in the context that it was composed of representatives of thirteen provinces. They declared government formation and set up the headquarhers of the government in Washington and concentrated their efforts on cooperation with the United States. Unification of provisional governments of all parts was keenly demanded for systematic and powerful independence movement through combined Koreans' energy. But because of the conflicts of interests among provisional governments, the unification was not easy. In spite of the difficult problems, with the renowned like An Chang Ho as the central figures, they gathered all opinions of every field of life and agreed "to unify provisional government in Shang-hai and in Russia and make Han Sung Provisional Government", and set up main office of the government in Shang-hai. But there were serious antagonims and conflicts among factions in the government because there was no fundamental consensus among middle leaders. Thus there were no activities to speak of. Also they did not have the international support. Because of its principle of isolationism as a diplomatic principle, its international interests, and its fundamental loss of hope about Korea, the united suates had no interestes in Korea. Russia luas somewhat supportive because it had a strategy of check Japen using Korean, but it intended to sovietize(communize) Korean leaders. Due to its internal conficts, China was indifferent to Korea, and sometimes it suppressed Korean independence movement for fear of Japanese censure. As dicussed above, owing to seriovs internal disunion and conflicts, and cold treatment of foreign countries, Shang-hai provisional Government faced difficult situations from the early stage. Thus it was very difficult to develop sytsematic and nationwide independence movement which was hoped originally.

新羅時代의 政治와 思想

金麟坤 경북대학교 법정대학 1976 法大論叢 Vol.14 No.-

The politics of Silla era was chiefly developed by the Hwabaik Council. The Hwabaik Council originated from the Joint Meeting of Six Tribes at the Alchun riverside in 57 BC, and lasted about 1,000 years until Silla was replaced by the Koryo Dynasty. The Council was from a long tradition of family meetings in the era of the clan society. The functions of the council were to elect a new king, to impeach and dethrone the king when he misgoverned, to discuss and decide on national affairs, and to inspect the national administration. Therefore, the council is believed to have been the leading political institution in Silla. The Sangdaedung was a government post established in the 18th year of king Buphung (AD531). We can regard the Daebo, which was established in the 7th of King Namhae (AD10), as its predecessor. The Sangdaedung, the chairman of the Hwabaik council, was at the unique position in which he had to know and supervise the whole of national affairs. The Sangdaedung was chosen at the Hwabaik Council. He had to have a different lineage from that of the king at first. The Sangdaedung seems to have been inaugurated immediately after the new kiing came to the throne, and continued in this position until the king died. The Sangdaedung superintended the Hwabaik Council which elected a new king or removed another, decided state affairs and investigated the national administration. He also took the task of criticizing and supervising state affairs as the chairman of the council. Therefore it seems that the politics of silla era centered around the Hwabaik Council had democratic aspects, so responsible government was able to be realized. And it is believed that they could maintain powerful unity of the whole country and a high degree of homogeneity of the people on the basis of agreement in politics. With this cooperating strength they could unify the peninsula and establish a brilliant culture. The thoguth of Silla era was "Respecting Heaven and Mankind." The people of Silla believed that they are all descendants of God, and also brothers. They believed that there are no rulers, no ruleds but only self-governing and self-controlling.