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정태석,방상열,박세환,이용수,김용래,김영석 대한스포츠의학회 2019 대한스포츠의학회지 Vol.37 No.3
Purpose: This study aimed to identify relative age effects of South Korea national male football teams that participated in 38 international competitions in age-specific categories from 2000 to 2018; U-16 (n=176), U-17 (n=82), U-19 (n=198), U-20 (n=147), and U-23 (n=166). Methods: Available information on birth-dates, heights, and body weights of South Korean elite male football players was collected from the official websites. Chi-square test was conducted and odds ratios were calculated with 95% confidence interval in order to examine differences of quarter distribution between expected and observed subgroups. Results: The birth distributions observed in each team were significantly different than those expected in general population of the same age (U-16: χ2=59.364, p<0.05; U-17: χ2=36.829, p<0.05; U-19: χ2=51.697, p<0.05; U-20: χ2=39.531, p<0.05) except U-23 (χ2=17.759, p=0.087). The magnitude of birth distribution was 3.2 times higher in the first quarter compared to that in the fourth quarter and was decreased in accordance with age. In accordance with age, the distribution of “competition age group” was significantly decreased in each team (U-16, 91%; U-17, 89%; U-19, 76%; U-20, 63%; U-23, 42%; p<0.05) but that of “under-competition age group” was increased (U-16, 9%; U-17, 11%; U-19, 24%; U-20, 37%; U-23, 58%; p<0.05). There is also significant difference in distribution between both “competition” and “under-competition age group” at the same tournament category (p<0.05). Conclusion: Conclusively, these findings indicate that Korean players who are in the early stage of development have higher “relative age effects” than those in the late stage of development. This may implicate that it is necessary to develop strategies for relatively late-mature players who have potentials in terms of skills and intelligence of football.
87년 체제와 시민사회 이데올로기-가치들의 변화 촛불혁명과 사회체제 전환의 전망
정태석 비판사회학회 2018 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.117
전체 사회체제로서의 87년 체제를 이해하려면, 87년 체제를 형성하고 또 재생산해온 어떤 안정적, 지속적 규칙이나 기제를 명료화할 필요가 있다. 이를 위해 87년 체제를 하나의 독자적인 체제로 지속시켜오면서 정치체제와 경제체제를 접합시키는 데 영향을 미친 중요한 요인으로서 시민사회-문화체제에 주목해야 한다. 87년 체제의 기본적 성격은 보수-중도개혁 양당체계를 중심으로 한 정치적, 헤게모니적 지형의 형성이었다. 그리고 이것을 유지시켜온 중요한 요소는 시민사회-문화체제였다. 그래서 87년 체제의 재생산과 위기는 단순히 정치체제나 경제체제의 측면에서만해명될 수 없다. 오히려 87년 시민사회-문화체제 속에서 유지되어온 지배적 이데올로기-가치묶음과 사회구조의 변동 속에서 새롭게 형성되어온 대항적 이데올로기-가치묶음 간의 헤게모니 투쟁 과정 속에서 해명될 필요가 있다. 촛불혁명은 87년 체제하에서 억압되어온 시민사회의 대항적 이데올로기-가치들이폭발적으로 분출된 것이었다. 이것은 사회구조 변동 속에서 사회체제의 전환을 요구해온 새로운 세대와 사회적 약자들의 저항의 표출이었다. 이것은 민주적, 개혁적, 진보적사회체제 전환을 위한 에너지가 될 것이다. To understand the ‘87 Regime’ as a whole social regime, it is necessary to clarify any stable, continuous rules or mechanisms that have formed and reproduced the ‘87 Regime.’ To this end, we must pay attention to the societal-cultural regime as an important factor that influenced the articulation of the political regime and the economic regime, while continuing the 87 Regime as an independent regime. The basic character of the 87 Regime is the formation of political and hegemonic terrain centering on the conservative-moderate reformist two-party system. And the important factor that maintained this was the societal-cultural regime. Thus, the reproduction and crisis of the 87 Regime can not be solely explained in terms of the political system or the economic system. Rather, it needs to be clarified in the course of the hegemonic struggle between the dominant set of ideology-values maintained in the 87 societal-cultural regime and the opposing set of ideology-values newly formed in the changes of social structure. The Candlelight Revolution was the explosive eruption of opposing ideology-values in civil society that had been suppressed under the 87 Regime. This was the manifestation of the resistance of new generations and socially weak people who have demanded the transition of the social regime in the changes of social structure. This will be energy for democratic, reformative, and progressive transition of social regime.