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      • 일본 「동일노동 동일임금」법개정과 한국에서의 시사점 - 일본의 「동일노동 동일임금」제도, 불공정한 임금 차별을 없앨 수 있을까

        조승래 한국노총중앙연구원 2019 노동N이슈 Vol.- No.31

        지난 6월 19일 한 야당대표가 “외국인 근로자에게 동일한 임금을 주는 건 공정하지 않다” 라고 발언하여 문제가 되고 있습니다. 이는 이른바「동일노동 동일임금」이라는 노동의 글로벌 스탠다드와 정면으로 위배되기에 사회적으로 논란이 커졌습니다. 지금까지 노동계는 대기업과 중소기업, 정규직과 비정규직, 남성과 여성노동자의 임금격차를 해소하기 위한 방안으로「동일노동 동일임금」원칙을 제시해 왔습니다. 그럼에도 별다른 성과가 없었던 것은「동일노동 동일임금」원칙이 서구에서 주로 통용되는 직무급을 전제하기 때문입니다. 그런데 한국과 유사하게 연공적 임금체계를 가지고 있는 일본에서 지난 2018년 6월 29일 정규직과 비정규직 간 임금격차 해소를 목적으로 하는「동일노동 동일임금」에 관련된 개혁 법률이 통과되며, 2020년 4월 시행을 앞두고 있습니다. 이번 6월호 <노동N이슈>에서는 일본 노동문제 전문가인 국회입법조사처의 조승래 환경노동팀장의 글을 소개합니다. 조승래 팀장은 일본의 임금체계가 연공적 성격이 가미된 직능급시스템으로, 「동일노동 동일임금 실현이 쉽지 않지만, 실제적인 「단시간 · 유기고용 노동자 및 파견노동자에 대한 불합리한 대우 금지 등에 관한 지침 (이하 ‘가이드라인')을 판단기준으로 공표하는 등 정규직과 비정규직 간 불합리한 차별을 줄여나가는 데에 목표를 두고 있다고 설명합니다. 물론 가이드라인에 대한 해석의 여지가 크다는 지적이 있으며 노동자 간 차별을 실질적으로 없앨 수 있는가에 대한 논쟁도 존재합니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 일본은 급속도로 변화하는 노동환경에 현실적으로 대응하기 위해,「동일노동 동일임금 이라는 원칙을 세우고 점진적으로 노동시장 불평등을 개선할 수 있는 정책대안을 마련하고 있다는 점에 우리는 주목할 필요가 있습니다. 필자는 우리나라에서「동일노동 동일임금 원칙에 따른 입법화를 추진할 경우, 다른 직무에 종사하는 노동자 간 균형을 확보하는 방안까지 포괄하는「동일가치노동 동일임금 원칙까지 폭넓게 논의될 필요가 있다고 설명합니다. 그 과정에서 사회적 합의를 꾀하고 분쟁해결을 도모할 수 있는 노사협의를 비롯한 제도적 뒷받침도 필수적이라고 합니다. 아울러 노동자집단의 이해를 대변하고 사용자와 협의를 이끌어 낼 수 있는 노동조합의 역할도 중요하다고 밝히고 있습니다. 노동N이슈 <6월호>에는 2020년 시행을 앞두고 있는 일본의 「동일노동 동일임금」정책을 소개하고 한국에서의 시사점을 여러분과 공유합니다.

      • 공화주의와 환경 문제

        조승래 청주대학교 인문과학연구소 2016 人文科學論集 Vol.52 No.-

        This paper insists that republicanism can play a significant friendly role for environmentalism/ecology to struggle against capitalistic liberalism to overcome present environmental/ecological crisis. It means that republicanism is basically green enough to be a green ideology in that republican pursuit for common good and public interest through virtuous participatory citizenship can help to resist against liberal privatization of environmental/ecological issues and optimism of individualistic consumerism. In this context chapter II and IV reveal that liberalism is not able to deserve as a green ideology because of it's inability to depart from the ideology of limitless economic growth which incurs present environmental/ecological crisis. Chapter III and V investigate how and where republicanism meets environmentalism/ecology, and why republicanism is green, by showing that republican antipathy against capitalistic modernity is to be provided as ideological legitimacy to environmentalism/ecology. This paper concludes that green republican state should be welcomed to be emancipated from subjection to powerful capital through which environmental/ecological crisis is to be ended.

      • KCI등재

        근대 공사 구분의 지적 계보

        조승래 한국서양사학회 2011 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.110

        The purpose of this paper is to survey an intellectual pedigree of modern conceptions of public and private. Traditionally pre-modern Western intellectuals considered the public essential for human beings to realize themselves, as we see in the famous address of Pericles in which man in apathy to the public was ostracized as useless one. Some modern intellectuals such as Rousseau inherited this conception of the public based on the polis spirit. However, this conception was challenged by modern liberalism which aimed to secure the private of individuals, as we see in the political writings of Locke and Mill. In this context liberalism invented the concept of privacy which should not be interfered and obstructed by any authorities in the name of common weal. This priority of the private was maintained as a result of the historical inevitability by liberal intellectuals such as Constant who affirmed that any intention to bring back the ancient priority of the public only incurred political disaster as Jacobin's terror showed. This liberal hegemony grew stronger when capitalism possessed the world. However, there also echoed the critical voices that sounded the good old cause of the priority of the public which was able to cure the pathological phenomena of social polarization and political apathy. Representatively Green, Dewey, and Arendt, respectively, discoursed this in their own way, but commonly based on the belief in the recovery of polis spirit. Recently, following these predecessors, among intellectual historians and political philosophers are republicans and communitarians who eagerly excavate the intellectual tradition other than individual liberalism and suggest alternative practical prescriptions. This paper dares to insist on listening to these voices.

      • 西洋政治思想에 있어서 共同體主義의 位置와 性格

        趙承來 청주대학교 새마을연구소 1990 새마을硏究論文集 Vol.7 No.-

        The purpose of this paper is to be examine communitarianism trends in the Western political thought This work, I believe, will he helpful to grope for political-philosophical grounds of the Saemaulundong. Chapter Ⅰ examines communitarianism of the ancient Greek polis. Aritotlis famous idea of Zoon politikon is to be interpreted as a bey concept of communitarianism. Chapter Ⅱ examines communitarianism in the Renaissance Italy city states. Especially, Civic humanism of Florentine intellectuals in to be studied. Chapter Ⅲ examines communitarianism in the 17th century England, especially that of G. Winstanley and J. Harrington, with particular reference to the problem of land. Chapter N examines communitarianism in the late 19th century and 20th century. T.H.Green's criticims against utilitarian individualism is to be interpreted as a philosophy of the public good which citizens, as members of community, should aim at and try to realize. A. Maclntyre's criticisms against liberal individualism is to be interpreted as a philosophy of the civic virtue which is vital to good healthy communitarianism.

      • KCI등재

        공화주의와 페미니즘

        조승래 전북사학회 2012 전북사학 Vol.0 No.41

        The purpose of this paper is to grope for the possibility that republicanism is an acceptable political principle to feminism by reviewing the arguments and debates among the scholars. Generally feminists doubt that republican idea of citizenship has originally gendered meaning. They criticise that in the history of western republican discourse citizen was regarded as virtuous male political agency who could participate disinterestedly in public sphere. It means that republican citizenship was based on the gendered separation of the public and the private which excluded women from public sphere. In this context Hannah Arendt was severely attacked by feminists because her idea of political action aiming to restore Aristotelian life of polis was also a masculine conception. Some feminists, however, insisted that her idea was gender-neutral one which did not believe in the classical republican separation of sphere. On the contrary, they affirmed that her idea was of great help to feminism in that it tried to overcome liberal hegemony as feminism did. Especially they argued for her idea to reveal the limit of the maternal feminism which passed over the significance of politics by emphasizing the female ethics of care in private sphere. Historians of women also divided themselves into two camps in estimating the idea of republican motherhood during the eighteenth century revolutions in America and France which eulogized mother's political role to educate her son in home as a virtuous citizen in future. While protagonists of that thesis thought highly of it as the first step toward female citizenship to break through patriarchy, antagonists despised it as a sophistication of the separation of sphere and as a dilution of women's struggle for citizenship. Thus feminist's sceptical estimations of republican citizenship were largely due to it's innate masculinity. However, recently republican idea of freedom as 'non-domination' which radically differs from liberal idea of freedom as 'non-interference' is welcomed by some feminist as a useful frame of reference not polluted by gender. They insist that patriarchy is a structural domination in which women are not free only because they are not interfered individually by men. They emphasize that women's subjection to men can be overcome only when women come to recognize not who they are but in which kind of world they live. It means that even women who are allowed to do by men what they want without interference are not free in the world which is structured by patriarchal domination. They accept this republican idea of freedom as an essential tenet feminism should pursue. This is a very hopeful sign of alliance between republicanism and feminism.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        롤로기어캠의 모델링에 관한 연구

        조승래,이춘만,정원지 한국공작기계학회 2001 한국생산제조학회지 Vol.10 No.3

        In this paper, we developed an automated program for the modeling and emulation of three-dimensional roller gear cam mechanisms. The three-dimensional modeling of a roller-gear cam employs coordinate transformations based on the con-tact condition. The wire frame modeling followed by the shading technique using triangular meshing elements incorporat-ed the "tangent path technique" to reduce the number of data and computational load. Computer simulations for two kinds of products for roller-gear cam mechanism illustrate the relative motion between the modeled roller-gear cam and a turret and thus show the effectiveness of the proposed modeling.

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