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글로벌 사회가 도래됨에 따라 국가의 이미지가 이전보다 더 중요시 되었다. 국가경쟁력이 더욱 중요시되는 현시점에서 현대사회의 가장 큰 국제적 행사인 올림픽은 세계인의 평화와 화합의장으로서 뿐만 아니라 개최국의 과학과 기술 문화·예술의 총체적 역량을 보여줄 수 있는 기회의 장이라는 측면에서 그 중요성이 날로 부각되고 있다. 성공적인 올림픽으로 국가의 이미지를 긍정적으로 확립할 수 있으며 올림픽 엠블럼은 성공적인 올림픽을 만드는 핵심 비주얼아이덴티티 요소이다. 이에 본 연구에서는 엠블럼이 국제사회에서 국가의 아이덴티티를 표현하는 중요한 비주얼매개체라는 점에 근거하여 올림픽 엠블럼에 관하여 연구하고자 한다. 올림픽 엠블럼에 나타난 개최국의 아이덴티티 적용사례를 살펴보고 모티브와 표현에 따른 국가아이덴티티 유형을 도출하였다. 또 도출된 유형을 내부지향과 외부지향의 관점에서 경향을 분석하고 국가아이덴티티를 표현한 엠블럼에서 중요시되는 특성을 파악하였다. 따라서 본 연구의 결과물은 국가브랜드 관점에서 한국가의 존재감을 나타내는 표현수단인 올림픽 엠블럼에 나타난 국가아이덴티티 유형을 이해하고 향후 국가아이덴티티를 반영한 엠블럼 제작 시 효과적인 국가아이덴티티 전략 수립을 위한 기초자료로 활용 될 수 있을 것으로 기대한다. With globalization national image has become more important. As national competitiveness is stressed the Olympics is considered as an opportunity to show host country's general capabilities. Positive national image can be built through successful Olympic Games and Olympic emblem is a core element of visual identity to make such Olympic Games successful. This study researches on Olympic emblem based on the fact that emblem is an important visual medium to show national identity. Examples of national identities reflected in the Olympic emblems were reviewed and then categorized by motifs and expression. Trend of such categories has been analyzed from inner-oriented and external-oriented point of view and characteristics important for those emblems were studied. This study would be able to be used to understand types of national identities reflected in the Olympic emblems and used as a basic data to effectively establish strategies on national identity.
The purpose of this paper is to review Michael Sandel`s republicanism in the context of the discourse struggle between republicanism and liberalism. Although studies of republicanism appeared among intellectual historians as a challenge to liberal hegemony in historical interpretation of early modern political discourses, it soon influenced political philosophers antagonistic to liberalism, who accepted republican interpretation as historical justification of their theses. Michael Sandel is one of them who regards individualistic liberalism based on ‘unencumbered self' as the supreme enemy of active self-ruling citizenship which republicans pursued as self-realization. He insists that liberalism incurs procedural state in which people are promised to be protected fairly only by observing procedure without civic consciousness and vigilance. According to his denunciation, liberalism also brings about neutral state in which people have only to choose as they please regardless of morality without common deliberation of moral and social issues. He criticized that liberal proceduralism and neutralism paralyze active citizenship by making people passive and unreflective agencies. He concludes that thus in liberal hegemony people come to be so impotent that they are unable to fight against social problems such as polarization through civic solidarity and participation. However, he believes that the pathological liberal situation is to be overcome by formative project which revives historical tradition of civic virtue and rebuilds republican politics aiming at self-rule.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate British attitudes and debates on sexuality in the era of Industrial Revolution. It is an established fact that in this era revolution in population also happened. Viewed from the point of view of the history of sexuality, it is to be interpreted as a result of the increase of heterosexual intercourse. Testimonies and criticisms to the sexual prodigality of working class from both radicals and conservatives evidence it. It was Malthus who fueled the ruling class's panic on the working class sexuality. According to his pessimistic view, social misery resulted from the working class sexuality and there was no escape other than moral restraint of working class. However, some radical working class intellectuals denied this. They insisted that sexual passion was natural to man and woman and not to be suppressed. They also suggested contraception to solve the problem of population and to increase pleasure of sexual intercourse. Amongst them Francis Place and Richard Carlile were most influential to working class. Their radical discourses of sexuality aimed at liberating working class sexuality from Malthusian menace of ruling class.
Republic originated from the Roman words res publica, by which Cicero meant people's commonwealth (res populi) pursuing common good. It was a Roman version of the ancient Greek definition of polis, according to which a community where one man rules is not a polis. Aristotle once described it as the principle of 'rule and ruled' which meant rule by equals. And his teleological definition of man as a political animal who should realize himself by participating in ruling the polis to achieve common good came to be a pivotal principle of republicanism to come. In this way of thinking of republic, civic participation to achieve the common good should be asked as a categorical command of citizens. Without this civic virtue no liberty and equality is possible. Citizens should be vigilant always not to be ruled by superiors pursuing their private interests and ambitions. "Il n'y a dehors de" republic. Liberalism attacks this as a totalitarianism which denies the private spheres of individuals and enforces a monolithic way of life. However it must be remembered that republican voices were shouted in the historical moments when a political community fell to the crisis of the despotic rule by one or few. It was a civic ethics which emphasized to realize that to be free we have to keep republic from the ambitious superiors. Therefore republicans oppose to liberal conception of liberty as non-interference. They insist that liberty is not to be defined negatively only as an absence of interference and impediment. Liberty is fulfilled only when there are no possibility of arbitrary domination. A slave who is not interfered by his master is not free just because his liberty is dependent on his master's benevolence and so he has to always keep eyes to his action not to provoke and to satisfy his master. Now republicanism is discoursed as a new theory of liberty as non-domination against the hegemony of the nee-liberal market logic which emphasizes only non-interference.
그린은 고전적 자유주의의 핵심인 개인주의와 자유방임주의에서 탈피하여 공동체 정신을 강조하고 국가 개입을 정당화하는 이론적 작업에 몰두하였다. 이 과정에서 그린은 개인주의적 자유주의가 견지해온 소극적 자유론을 넘어 자유에 적극적 의미를 부여하였다. 그린이 보기에 진정한 자유는 인간이 자신의 능력을 충분히 발휘해 공동선에 기여하는 것이며, 개인들이 각자 알아서 누려야 할 것이 아니라 공동으로 함께 누려야 하는 것이었다. 이러한 그린의 적극적 자유론은 20세기에 들어와 신자유주의 헤게모니의 이론적 토대를 마련한 벌린에 의해 전체주의로 흐를 수 있는 가능성을 내포한 것으로 폄훼되었다. 본고는 이에 대한 비판이다. 그린은 결코 국가나 사회가 인간을 이성적 존재로 만들어 자유롭게 해 줄 수 있다고 생각하지 않았다. 그것은 도덕적 존재로서 인간이 자아를 실현함으로써 가능한 것이라고 그린은 확신했다. 국가가 할 수 있는 일은 단지 이러한 인간의 자아실현을 위한 조건을 마련해 주는 것뿐이었다. 이러한 그린의 사상은 오늘날 활발하게 논의되고 있는 공화주의로 해석할 수 있다. 그는 사회를 서로를 수단으로 여기지 않고 목적으로 대하는 평등한 구성원들이 참여와 연대를 통해 공동선을 추구해야 하는 공동체라고 생각했다. 그리고 이러한 공동체 안에서만 ``비지배``의 원리가 수립되어 인간들은 자유 시민이 될 수 있다고 보았다. 따라서 그린의 사상이 오늘날 피폐한 사회 현실을 만들어 낸 소위 ``신자유주의`` 헤게모니를 극복하는 데 큰 도움을 줄 수 있다는 것이 이 논문의 결론이다. The purpose of this paper is to criticise Isaiah Berlin`s interpretation of T. H. Green`s view of liberty and to read it in the light of contemporary republicanism. Chapter II discusses Isaiah Berlin`s view of positive liberty. According to him, modern rational conception of politics presupposed that individual empirical self should surrender into communal rational self. In this context, individual liberty as the absence of external interference is to be despised in the name of rational community of which members should think of liberty as collective self-realization of their abilities to do good things. Berlin criticizes it as the way despotism and tyranny suppressed subjects. Quoting Green as an example, Berlin denounces that this kind of positive liberty is not to be a genuine liberty. Chapter III investigates Green`s view of positive liberty. Green emphasizes that liberty of contract between individuals should be restricted by law for common good of society because individuals in his times were not equals both politically and economically. According to him, the liberty enjoyed by exploiting others in lower class is not a liberty for human beings to pursue. The true liberty is a liberty for all members of society to enjoy together by realizing their capacities to do good things for common good. In this context he advocated Liberal legislations at that time which permitted state intervention to rid of hindrances preventing people`s self-realization. Chapter IV reveals Berlin`s ideologically biased fallacy in interpreting Green`s view of positive liberty and the common good politics. According to Berlin, this kind of politics is to necessarily be an educative and coercive politics in the name of reason and community. State must force people to be rational and free. However, Green does deny this. He emphasizes that human beings as moral beings are intrinsically able to develop their moral capacities to a higher level, No other persons and institutions but themselves are able to make them good and rational. State intervention can functions only to prepare the conditions for individual citizen`s self-realization. Chapter V. reads Green`s thought in the light of contemporary arguments of republicanism. Green`s view of society is not that of liberalism which considers society only as an aggregation of individuals with their own private interests. His society is similar to a republican civic community in which solidarity and participation are principally recognized as virtue of it`s equal members searching for common good. Therefore, his view of liberty is a liberty of virtuous citizens of that community pursuing the republican principle of ``non-domination.`` Thus Green`s thought deserves as a helpful intellectual source on which we have to depend to overcome the liberal hegemony incurring the monstrous polarization throughout the world these days.