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      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        [Ca<sub>1-x</sub>Sr<sub>x</sub>Al<sub>2</sub>O<sub>4</sub>:Eu<sup>2+</sup>] 형광체의 상전이 및 발광특성에 관한 연구

        박윤진,송현돈,정상현,이지희,황민하,김영진,Park, Yun-Jin,Song, Hyun-Don,Jung, Sang-Hyun,Lee, Jee-Hee,Hwang, Min-Ha,Kim, Young-Jin 한국재료학회 2008 한국재료학회지 Vol.18 No.1

        The phase transformations and luminescent properties of Eu-doped $Ca_{1-x}Sr_xAl_2O_4$ phosphors were investigated. $Ca_{1-x}Sr_xAl_2O_4:Eu^{2+}$ phosphors were synthesized by a solid-state reaction with a flux, $H_3BO_3$. A phase transformation from monoclinic $CaAl_2O_4$ to monoclinic $SrAl_2O_4$ was observed as the x values increased. A high-temperature hexagonal phase of $SrAl_2O_4$ was formed during this transformation as an intermediate phase under an $H_2$ atmosphere due to oxygen vacancies; this did not occur in an air atmosphere. Accordingly, the emission spectra shifted from a blue region to a green region as x increased.

      • KCI등재

        新羅末 高麗初 高僧碑에 보이는 종법적 표현과 계보 인식

        朴胤珍(Park, Yun Jin) 한국사학회 2013 史學硏究 Vol.- No.109

        신라말 고려초 고승비문에는 승려의 師資관계를 부계 혈통 의식이 내포된 종법적 용어로 표현한 사례가 다수 등장한다. 즉 嚴君이나 令子ㆍ?子, 來孫과 같은 부계 혈통 용어와 本籍과 같은 단어를 사용하고 있다. 한편 이러한 종법적 표현 방식을 통해 자신의 계보를 서술하면서, ‘九山門’ 범주의 국내 계보를 중시하기는 하지만 국내 스승과는 별개인 자신만의 중국 계보를 강조한 경우도 있었다. 뿐만 아니라 자신들의 계보 중 선택적으로 강조하는 것이 동일 산문, 동일 스승의 문도간에도 차이가 있어서 계보관이 동일하지 않았음을 알 수 있다. 이는 당시 산문 의식이 후대의 ‘구산문’과 같이 넓지 않았음을 보여준다. 또한 국내 스승과 차이를 가지는 중국 계보를 자랑스럽게 드러낸 것은 중국 선종 속에서 자신의 위상을 확인하고자 하는 의도로 이해했다. 한편 동일한 스승의 문하였던 승려들의 비문 검토를 통해서는 상호간 동문 의식이 거의 없었음도 확인하였다. 梵日의 제자였던 開淸과 行寂은비슷한 시기에 범일의 문하로 생활했는데도 불구하고 각자의 비에서 서로에 대한 언급이 없을 뿐만 아니라 스승인 범일의 유일한 수제자로서 각자를 기술하고 있다. 이는 개청과 행적 본인뿐만 아니라 해당 고승비의 건립을 주도한 그들의 제자들 입장에서 고승비의 주인공을 강조하기 위한 의도를 가지고 동문에 대한 서술을 회피한 것이었다. 그러나 자신들 세력의 번성함을 강조하기 위해 산문의 구성원을 소개하는 것도 의미가 있다는 점을 생각해보면, 역시 후대만큼의 산문 의식은 존재하지 않았음을 알 수 있다. 대부분의 고승비에는 스승과 버금갈 정도의 의미가 있는 승려를 ‘師兄’으로 언급할 뿐 수평적인 동문에 대한 언급이 없었다. 그리고 남종선의 초전자로서 道義의 위상은 ‘迦智山’만의 주장은 아니고, 『慧昭碑』와『道憲碑』에서도 이를 인정했고 이런 인식은 고려시대까지 지속되었다. 그런데 도의를 신라 선종의 시조로서 표방한 내용이 도의의 손제자인 體澄碑에서는『禮記』?를 인용하여 중국 선종의 別子로서 우리나라 선종의 1祖가 되었다는 종법적 표현으로 설명하고 있다. 이러한 도의의 위상은 眞空大師□運이 도의를 직접 만나지도 않은 채 그의 제자라고 자칭하게 한 원인이었다. The epitaph of high priests established during the end of Shilla Dynasty and the beginning of Koryo Dynasty shows many cases of using patrilineal terms to express a master-disciple relationship. Terms such as umgun(嚴君), youngja(令子), chongja(?子), lason(來孫) are some of the examples. Some priests emphasized the Chinese-side of their lineage, while also valuing Korean lineage of ‘Gusanmun (nine mountain monasteries, 九山門)’. It is construed that high priests had liberty to choose particular lineage they wanted to underscore, and also that even students of the same priest did not have shared idea of lineage. Also, the epitaph of priests who had the same teacher show that they had little sense of solidarity. These suggest that the sense of belonging to the same sect of Buddhism was not as strong as it was later in Gusanmun. Meanwhile, in many written documents in addition to the claim of ‘Gajisan(迦智山)’ sect, was priest Toui(道義) widely perceived as the founder of the Zen sect, and such belief carried into the Koryo Dynasty. On the epitaph of priest Toui’s disciple, Chejing (體澄), was quoted a phrase from the Confucian book of etiquette, Yegi(禮記), to confirm that Toui was the founding father of the Zen sect.

      • KCI우수등재
      • KCI등재

        『高麗史』兵志의 체제와 그 특징

        朴胤珍(PARK YUN JIN) 고려사학회 2011 한국사학보 Vol.- No.44

        As far as 『Goryeosa(高麗史, history of Korean dynasty)』 says in the introductory remarks, about its documentation system being based on 『Yuanshi (元史, history of Yuan Dynasty)』, the cataloging of Byeongji(military section, 兵志) in 『Goryeosa(高麗史)』 is no exception: Byeongji 1 of the 81th volume(Military System(兵制)) as well as Byeongji 2 of the 82th volume(Suk-wi(宿衛), Jinsu(鎭戍), Cham-yeok(站驛), Majeong(馬政), Dunjeon(屯田)). However, the part of Seongbo(Castles and Fortresses,城堡) which catalogues Goryeo’s distinctive strategy to defend against foreign forces in Byeongji 2, is not found in 『Yuanshi』. The system of Byeongji in 『Goryeosa』 and 『Yuanshi』 is differed. The troops which belong to Suk-wi(宿衛) in Byeongji 2, 『Yuanshi』 are described as rather independent troops in Byeongji 3 『Goryeosa』. And Gansugun(看守軍), Wisukgun(圍宿軍), two of independent troops in Byeongji 3 『Goryeosa』, played the same role as Suk-wi(宿衛) in Byeongji, 『Yuanshi』. They were deployed at Jinjeon(Royal portrait archive, 眞殿) and Neung(Royal tombs, 陵) to protect the places. Originated from 『Yuanshi』, the Wisukgun troop defended the Imperial city when the there was no castle around the city. For example. Wisukgun emblematically surrounded the capital, both inside and outside of castle gates as well as at Jinjeon and Neung. Consequently, Gansu-gun and Wisuk-gun in 『Goryeosa』 came from the low-ranked militaries of Suk-wi in 『Yuanshi』. While the low-ranked militaries of Suk-wi in Yuanshi were temporarily organized, Gansugun and Wisukgun in 『Goryeosa』 were regular troops and hence. organized as the separated troops to Suk-wi. In the meantime, 『Goryeosa』 recorded that Gansugun and Wisukgun were the troops during Injong era, in order to fulfill the principle of cataloging based on the record from Injong and Euijong era as well as referring to Sangjeonggogeumrae(詳定古今禮), Sikmoksupyeonrok (式目編修錄) and miscellanea, since the introductory remarks of 『Goryeosa』 had insufficient reference data. The narrative principle of 『Goryeosa』, according to its editor. was supposed to follow the system of 『Yuanshi』 and refer to Sangjeonggogeumrae. In this study, the analysis of system and contents of 『Yuanshi』 demonstrated their effort to follow the principle of the introductory remarks. 『Goryeosa』 is differentiated with 『Yuanshi』 in terms of reflecting the distinctiveness of Goyro Dynasty.

      • KCI등재

        안정시 및 운동 강도에 따른 고교축구선수의 뇌혈류 속도 및 저항지수의 변화

        박윤진(Yun Jin Park),서용곤(Yong Gon Seo),이성기(Sung Ki Lee),김경태(Kyung Tae Kim),김명기(Myung Ki Kim) 한국사회체육학회 2010 한국사회체육학회지 Vol.0 No.41

        The purpose of this research is to prepare exercise stability/safety by predicting possible dangerous situations during competitions in advance and presenting appropriate exercise intensity based on TCD(Transcranial Doppler ultrasound) analysis of Systolic, Diastolic and Mean Blood Flow Velocity, Pulsatility Index(PI) and Resistive Index(RI) from MCA according to exercise intensity as well as at rest. The subjects were 10 soccer players from high school over 5 years in experience. To analyze Cerebral Blood Flow, PI and RI Changes according to exercise intensity, treadmill test was performed among single group at rest and with moderate, high and maximal intensity. In comparison with the velocities at rest, Systolic, Diastolic and Mean Blood Velocity were increased at moderate and high intensity but they were decreased at maximal intensity(p<0.05). On the other hand, Pulsatility and Resistive Index were increased at all the other intensities(p<0.05). In a repeated measured One-way ANOVA, there were significant differences between the each measured values-blood velocities and indexes-and the various exercise intensities (p<0.05). In a post Hoc test, there were significant differences between rest and the other intensities in Systolic Blood Velocity ; rest and moderate/high intensity, moderate and maximal intensity, and high and maximal intensity in Diastolic Blood Velocity ; rest and moderate/high/maximal intensity, and high and maximal intensity in Mean Blood Velocity ; rest and moderate/maximal intensity, and moderate and high intensity in Pulsatility and Resistive Index (p<0.05).

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        高麗時代 佛事 담당 '都監'의 조직과 특징

        朴胤珍(Park Yun-Jin) 歷史敎育硏究會 2012 역사교육 Vol.121 No.-

        During the Goryeo dynasty, 'Dogam(都監)' was the department of the government established for the construction of temples, the making of Buddhist statues, the printing of complete collection of Buddhist Sutras, Laws, and Treatises. Moreover, it provided financial support for the temples and managed them. Sometimes, it was established for the royal events, the installation of national Buddhist monks, and funerals. It was established with various types from King Hyeojong to the end of the Goryeo dynasty. Like other ordinary Dogams, the Dogam for a Buddhist service was staffed by offic ials who took charge of real works of the Dogam. However, high ranking officials from 3rd rank to 1st rank, even sometimes prime minister (Sijung, 侍中) were appointed as the manager of the Dogam. In addition, Buddhist monks were sometimes appointed with the government officials in order to get the cooperation of the temples and Buddhism circle where a Buddhist service took place. Government-issuing historical records like "the History of the Goryeo dynasty" showed only the government officials of the Dogams, but other materials like epigraphs showed that Buddhist monks were appointed as the officials. Therefore, it seemed that most Dogams for a Buddhist service had Buddhist monks as the officials.

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