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          [Ca<sub>1-x</sub>Sr<sub>x</sub>Al<sub>2</sub>O<sub>4</sub>:Eu<sup>2+</sup>] 형광체의 상전이 및 발광특성에 관한 연구

          박윤진,송현돈,정상현,이지희,황민하,김영진,Park, Yun-Jin,Song, Hyun-Don,Jung, Sang-Hyun,Lee, Jee-Hee,Hwang, Min-Ha,Kim, Young-Jin 한국재료학회 2008 한국재료학회지 Vol.18 No.1

          The phase transformations and luminescent properties of Eu-doped $Ca_{1-x}Sr_xAl_2O_4$ phosphors were investigated. $Ca_{1-x}Sr_xAl_2O_4:Eu^{2+}$ phosphors were synthesized by a solid-state reaction with a flux, $H_3BO_3$. A phase transformation from monoclinic $CaAl_2O_4$ to monoclinic $SrAl_2O_4$ was observed as the x values increased. A high-temperature hexagonal phase of $SrAl_2O_4$ was formed during this transformation as an intermediate phase under an $H_2$ atmosphere due to oxygen vacancies; this did not occur in an air atmosphere. Accordingly, the emission spectra shifted from a blue region to a green region as x increased.

        • 『三國遺事』 避隱篇의 의미와 '迎如師'ㆍ'布川山 五比丘'

          朴胤珍(Park, Yun-jin) 동국대학교 신라문화연구소 2010 신라문화제학술발표논문집 Vol.31 No.-

          『三國遺事』에 避隱이 편재된 이유를 『梁高僧傳』ㆍ『續高僧傳』ㆍ『宋高僧傳』의 亡身ㆍ遺身篇과 비교해 보면서 살펴보았다. 『梁高僧傳』의 亡身에서는 燒身의 사례가 많고 거의 대부분 그로 인해 사망하는데 비해, 『續高僧傳』과 『宋高僧傳』의 遺身에서는 점차 소신 외에 捨身 등 다른 방법의 죽음이 보였으며 실제 죽음에 이르지 않은 경우도 계속 증가하였다. 이를 통해 亡身ㆍ遺身 모두 꼭 죽어야만 이룰 수 있는 행위가 아니라 자신의 해탈이나 불법을 위해 목숨도 내놓을 수 있는 마음을 가졌다는 것을 중요하게 여겼음을 확인하였다. 이러한 마음가짐으로 평소에 실천하는 것이 은거 속에서 행하는 수행이었고, 실제 고승전 망신ㆍ유신편에 실려있는 승려들 다수는 고행과 두타행 등의 생활을 유지하고 있었다. 한편 『梁高僧傳』의 亡身에서 『續高僧傳』ㆍ『宋高僧傳』의 遺身으로 편명이 바뀐 점, 그리고 유신에 세상을 피해 은거한다는 사전적 의미가 있는 것은 『續高僧傳』과 『宋高僧傳』의 유신이 꼭 죽어야 이룰 수 있는 덕목이 아니라는 점을 알려준다. 또한 중국에서 스스로 죽거나 몸의 형체를 훼손하면서 죽는 것을 꺼려했기 때문에 燒身 등이 줄었을 것이라는 해석도 덧붙여 보았다. 이렇게 실제 죽는 것이나 몸을 훼손하는 것을 회피하는 상태에서 亡身ㆍ遺身을 하는 승려에게 남는 덕목은 속세와의 관련을 끊고서 깨달음을 지향하는 수행이라는 행위이다. 그렇기 때문에 고승전과 유사한 편목을 많이 배치한 『三國遺事』에서는 亡身ㆍ遺身이 아닌 避隱이라는 편목을 설정하게 되었던 것이다. 그뿐만 아니라 『三國遺事』 권5 避隱8의 「惠現求靜」의 이야기가 고승전에 보이는 호랑이에게 사신을 한 내용과 많은 부분에서 유사하고 「永才遇賊」에서 영재의 행위도 捨身으로 평가받고 있다. 이러한 내용의 유사성도 『三國遺事』 避隱篇이 고승전의 亡身ㆍ遺身을 계승한 하나의 증거가 된다. 다음 ‘迎如師’와 ‘布川山 五比丘’가 피은하게 된 이유를 다른 시대 사례들과 비교해보았다. 신라 하대 선종 승려는 자신들이 기대한 바를 이룰 수 있을 때 왕실과 교류하였다. 영여는 경덕왕의 부름을 받아 대궐에까지 갔다가 돌아와서는 사라져버리고 다시는 세상에 나타나지 않았다고 하는데, 이를 통해 영여가 경덕왕대를 자신의 이상을 펼 수 없는 시기로 보았다고 파악했다. 포천산 5비구의 서방정토로의 왕생도 결국은 현실 세계에서 떠났다는 점에서는 영여와 마찬가지였다. 명예를 피해 도망가다가 다시 돌아와 국사로 책봉된 緣會는 속세로 돌아와 자신의 業을 다했다면, 영여나 포천산 5비구는 현실의 세계를 떠나는 것을 통해 경덕왕대를 비판하고 있었던 것이다. 한편 사라진 영여를 국사로 추봉했다는 점에서 당시 영여나 그 세력을 무시할 수만은 없었다는 점도 지적하였다. 또한 자신을 원조해주던 세력이 약해지거나 제거되었을 경우 피은을 할 수 밖에 없었던 사례를 살펴보았다. 한편 생전에 피은의 생활을 추구하며 별다른 주목을 받지 못하다가 사후에 제자들이나 지지세력에 의해 현창되는 경우도 있었다. 영여는 실제사에 주석했으며, 포천산 5비구도 통도사와 밀접한 관계였다. 이들 사원이 영여와 포천산 5비구를 지원해주었던 세력이었다. 또 영여는 가계와 성씨[族氏]가 전하지 않았으며 포천산 5비구는 성씨뿐만 아니라 이름마저 알려지지 않았던 점을 보건대 이들은 당대에 이름을 떨쳤다기 보다 후대 현창되었다고 여겨진다. 즉 영여와 포천산 5비구는 사후에 그들을 지지하는 세력에 의해 현창되어 죽음 이후 더욱 명성을 가지게 되었고 그들의 현창된 덕목은 바로 ‘避隱’이었다. 그러니깐 ‘迎如師’와 ‘布川山 五比丘‘는 ’避隱‘을 통해 명예를 얻었다고 할 수 있다. This paper compared the reason why Pieun, meaning hermitage, was included in 『Samgukyusa』 to Mangsin and Yusin in 『Ryanggoseungjeon』, 『Sokgoseungjeon』, and 『Songgoseungjeon』. Through this, it found out Mangsin and Yusin were willing to sacrifice their own lives for their own emancipation or the sacred law of Buddha rather than they tried to achieve something with their deaths. Carrying out such mental attitudes in everyday lives is an ascetic practice in their retired lives. Not only the fact that the section title Mangsin in 『Ryanggoseungjeon』 was altered into Yusin in 『Sokgoseungjeon』 and 『Songgoseungjeon』 but that Yusin contained the dictionary meaning of "going into retirement for evading the world" indicates Yusin in 『Sokgoseungjeon』 and 『Songgoseungjeon』 is not a virtue attainable only by death. Also, since committing a suicide and dying by distorting one"s own body shape were avoided in China, the last virtue left to monks seeking for Mangsin or Yusin was to pursue practices of austerity for enlightenment while disconnected to the mundane world. Therefore, 『Samgukyusa』 containing many sections similar to "Biography of eminent monk" came to create a section called Pieun instead of Mangsin or Yusin. Next, this study took a close look at the reasons why "Monk Yeongyeo" and "five monks at Pocehonsan" went to Pieun by comparing their cases to the ones of other times. When monks could achieve what they expected, they actively interacted with the royal household. Once Yeongyeo came back from the palace where he had gone for a request from King Gyeongdeok, he did not appear to the world. This suggests Yeongyeo must have figured out the time of King Gyeongdeok could not allow his idealism. Pocheonsan"s five monks" rebirth in the Buddhist Elysium, after all, coincided with the case of Yeongyeo in that they left the realities of life. Pieun also inevitably occurred when one"s supporting force got weakened or removed, In addition, there were some cases unfolded by one"s pupils or supporters only after death although one had not captured any attention during one"s lifetime. Yeongyeo was the chief of Siljesa, and Pocheonsan"s five monks were closely related to Tongdosa. These temples were the supporting forces for Yeongyeo and Pocheonsan"s five monks. That is, Yeongyeo and Pocheonsan"s five monks became well-known by their supporters after their deaths for their virtue of "Pieun." Therefore, "Monk Yeongyeo" and "five monks at Pocheonsa" can be said to gain their reputations through "Pieun."

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          『高麗史』 叛逆傳 立傳 기준과 고려말 조선초 ‘附元’ 인식

          朴胤珍(Park, Yun Jin) 고려사학회 2013 한국사학보 Vol.- No.52

          During the period of the Yuan intervention, some of the most rebellious acts against the Goryeo dynasty and the king included “ipseongchaekdong”, a movement to overturn the Goryeo dynasty and establish the Yuan’s provincial office in its place, and the forceful dethroning of the King Gongmin and the enthroning of Deokheung-gun in his place. However, the participants of the rebellious movement were included in the book of disloyal officers instead of treason. Later some of them including Cho Ikcheong were even recorded as the loyal officer of the King Gongmin. Also, the punishment for those who advocated the enthroning of Deokheunggun was rather meek. For example, Ki Sukryun and Moon Ikjeom recovered their official positions. Indeed there was no case of harshly punishing the Yuan-advocating officers during the Goryeo dynasty. In the fifth year of the King Gongmin, the Yuanadvocating groups were eliminated, but it only included Noh Chaek, Kwon Gyeom, Ki Cheol and his direct families. The descendents of Noh Chaek and Kwon Gyeom were merely exiled and some of them even restored official positions. Meanwhile, the book of treason in the History of Goryeo Dynasty shows that the Yuan-advocating movement was not among criteria to be listed in the book, nor did the Yuan-advocating act was seen as treacherous.

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          고려 후기 ‘師號’의 운영과 그 특징

          朴胤珍(Park, Yun Jin) 역사교육연구회 2016 歷史敎育 Vol.139 No.-

          In the late Goryeo period, especially after Yuan intervention period, Goryeo’s priests had ‘Saho(a title bestowed to a priest)’ along with its own priest ranks. ‘Saho’ was used based on the addition of Buddhist name to the appellation ‘Daesa(Great Masster)’, and it was also called ‘Sasaho(賜師號)’, which means giving Saho. ‘Saja(賜紫, to be awarded a purple robe)’ or ‘Sajasamun(賜紫沙門, Samun means a Buddhist monk)’ used in the early Goryeo period and ‘Saho’ or ‘Sasaho’ in the late Goryeo period were introduced from China. So, they were at first used as the title of priests who carried out international exchanges. ‘Saja’ was used a lot in the early Goryeo period, because it was used in place of ‘Saho’ not distinguished from Daesa, which was one of the priest ranks. There were examples where priest ranks were given to foreign priests in the early Goryeo period. As priest ranks were valued in Goryeo, it was rare to use ‘Saho’ not distinguished from Daesa, which was one of the priest ranks. However, since entering Yuan intervention period, ‘Saho’ was actively used in Goryeo amid exchanges between Goryeo and Yuan. Besides, it can be understood that as ‘Saho’ was given after ‘Saja’ by China, ‘Saho’ was relatively highly valued and preferred. Most of those who held ‘Saho’ title belonged to The Yuga Sect. It can be interpreted that The Yuga Sect used ‘Saho’ actively because it contacted and exchanged with Yuan before any other religious sects. Further, the status of Goryeo’s priest ranks was weakened in the relations with Yuan, while ‘Saho’, which was used in common with Yuan, was preferred and increasingly used.

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          新羅末 高麗初 高僧碑에 보이는 종법적 표현과 계보 인식

          朴胤珍(Park, Yun Jin) 한국사학회 2013 史學硏究 Vol.- No.109

          신라말 고려초 고승비문에는 승려의 師資관계를 부계 혈통 의식이 내포된 종법적 용어로 표현한 사례가 다수 등장한다. 즉 嚴君이나 令子ㆍ?子, 來孫과 같은 부계 혈통 용어와 本籍과 같은 단어를 사용하고 있다. 한편 이러한 종법적 표현 방식을 통해 자신의 계보를 서술하면서, ‘九山門’ 범주의 국내 계보를 중시하기는 하지만 국내 스승과는 별개인 자신만의 중국 계보를 강조한 경우도 있었다. 뿐만 아니라 자신들의 계보 중 선택적으로 강조하는 것이 동일 산문, 동일 스승의 문도간에도 차이가 있어서 계보관이 동일하지 않았음을 알 수 있다. 이는 당시 산문 의식이 후대의 ‘구산문’과 같이 넓지 않았음을 보여준다. 또한 국내 스승과 차이를 가지는 중국 계보를 자랑스럽게 드러낸 것은 중국 선종 속에서 자신의 위상을 확인하고자 하는 의도로 이해했다. 한편 동일한 스승의 문하였던 승려들의 비문 검토를 통해서는 상호간 동문 의식이 거의 없었음도 확인하였다. 梵日의 제자였던 開淸과 行寂은비슷한 시기에 범일의 문하로 생활했는데도 불구하고 각자의 비에서 서로에 대한 언급이 없을 뿐만 아니라 스승인 범일의 유일한 수제자로서 각자를 기술하고 있다. 이는 개청과 행적 본인뿐만 아니라 해당 고승비의 건립을 주도한 그들의 제자들 입장에서 고승비의 주인공을 강조하기 위한 의도를 가지고 동문에 대한 서술을 회피한 것이었다. 그러나 자신들 세력의 번성함을 강조하기 위해 산문의 구성원을 소개하는 것도 의미가 있다는 점을 생각해보면, 역시 후대만큼의 산문 의식은 존재하지 않았음을 알 수 있다. 대부분의 고승비에는 스승과 버금갈 정도의 의미가 있는 승려를 ‘師兄’으로 언급할 뿐 수평적인 동문에 대한 언급이 없었다. 그리고 남종선의 초전자로서 道義의 위상은 ‘迦智山’만의 주장은 아니고, 『慧昭碑』와『道憲碑』에서도 이를 인정했고 이런 인식은 고려시대까지 지속되었다. 그런데 도의를 신라 선종의 시조로서 표방한 내용이 도의의 손제자인 體澄碑에서는『禮記』?를 인용하여 중국 선종의 別子로서 우리나라 선종의 1祖가 되었다는 종법적 표현으로 설명하고 있다. 이러한 도의의 위상은 眞空大師□運이 도의를 직접 만나지도 않은 채 그의 제자라고 자칭하게 한 원인이었다. The epitaph of high priests established during the end of Shilla Dynasty and the beginning of Koryo Dynasty shows many cases of using patrilineal terms to express a master-disciple relationship. Terms such as umgun(嚴君), youngja(令子), chongja(?子), lason(來孫) are some of the examples. Some priests emphasized the Chinese-side of their lineage, while also valuing Korean lineage of ‘Gusanmun (nine mountain monasteries, 九山門)’. It is construed that high priests had liberty to choose particular lineage they wanted to underscore, and also that even students of the same priest did not have shared idea of lineage. Also, the epitaph of priests who had the same teacher show that they had little sense of solidarity. These suggest that the sense of belonging to the same sect of Buddhism was not as strong as it was later in Gusanmun. Meanwhile, in many written documents in addition to the claim of ‘Gajisan(迦智山)’ sect, was priest Toui(道義) widely perceived as the founder of the Zen sect, and such belief carried into the Koryo Dynasty. On the epitaph of priest Toui’s disciple, Chejing (體澄), was quoted a phrase from the Confucian book of etiquette, Yegi(禮記), to confirm that Toui was the founding father of the Zen sect.

        • KCI등재후보
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          高麗時代 승려의 血族間 師承과 그 意味

          朴胤珍(Park Yun-Jin) 한국사연구회 2008 한국사연구 Vol.142 No.-

          Through the practice of entering the Buddhist priesthood under the guidance of a relative based on the teacher?disciple relationship, the monks of the Kory? era were able to use religion to further foster blood ties. In this regard, the majority were adopted by and served as the disciples of their uncles. When successive generations entered the priesthood, the newly initiated monk not only became his relative’s disciple, but also inherited his teacher’s influence as his rightful heir. The practice of having a family member enter the priesthood under the guidance of a relative was also common amongst the royal family. Beginning with the monk ?ich'?n, four generations of individuals from the royal family entered the priesthood; however, concern soon grew that this chain would be broken when no immediate family member could be found to take up the habit. To rectify this situation, a distant relative of the royal family was adopted and tasked with playing a bridging role by becoming a monk. The adoption of a relative by a monk involved much more than the latter becoming the new recruit’s teacher, it also in some cases bestowed the right upon this new recruit to become the rightful representative of the Dharma lineage based on his eventual takeover of the temple. As Yi Saek, who lived through this period, argued, this practice originated from the belief that the existence of blood ties between the two monks, and the nephew’s inheritance of the title of rightful heir of the Dharma lineage from his uncle, automatically rendered the junior monk the most apt to succeedhis teacher. In terms of the background that facilitated the establishment of teacher-disciple relationships between relatives, special attention needs to be drawn to the perception of social status that existed at that time. More to the point, it was impossible under the social hierarchal system that prevailed during the Kory? era for one to regard a person who belonged to a lower class as his teacher. Moreover, the conclusion can be reached that the practice of establishing social and political networks which revolved around blood ties over time expanded to include Buddhist circles. Furthermore, if we look beyond the establishment of teacher-disciple relations, we find that the inheritance of the position of the abbot of a temple bestowed numerous benefits and advantages on the inheritor, who suddenly found himself in charge of the temple’s finances. What’s more, the lands donated to the temple could not be independently managed by the monks, but rather in accordance with the wishes of the donor. This loophole allowed monks to take actions with regards to the management of the land and fortune donated to the temple by their clans which, while within the limit of established laws, were nevertheless advantageous to their relatives. This practice was also beneficial in terms of the ownership of servants. More to the point, the disciple monks could legally inherit two types of servants: one were the servants that could be inherited from the monk’s parents during his lifetime(yukson nobi) and the other were the servants that could be inherited because of one’s status as the rightful heir of a monk(p?pson nobi). The p?pson nobi were servants that were donated to a monk by his family so that he could focus on his religious pursuits. As such, the succession of monks also proved to be a method through which a family clan could unofficially maintaincontrol over their servants. This secular phenomenon can be regarded as one of the problems associated with Buddhism during the Kory? era. The fact that this issue continued unabated throughout the dynasty can be perceived as the result of the blood tie and social status-oriented characteristics of Kory? society, and the spread of these blood tie relations to Buddhist circles during the Kory? era.

        • KCI우수등재

          고려시대 승려의 俗名 사용과 俗姓 冠稱에 대한 일고찰

          朴胤珍(Park, Yun-Jin) 한국사연구회 2016 한국사연구 Vol.- No.175

          If Buddhist monks leave the secular world, they, in principle, abandon their original names and use monk’s name with the last name Seok. Nevertheless, among Buddhist monks in the Goryeo dynasty, some monks still used their secular name with the same letter in the names of their brothers in the secular world as monk’s name, and, when they were called by other people, their family name was sometimes attached to their monk’s name. There can be various reasons why they continued using the secular names even after leaving the secular world. First, since they did not become monks officially or it wasn"t long after their leaving the secular world, they probably did not create monk’s names yet. Second, as they were likely to return to secular life, they probably used the secular names during the temporary monks" life without creating monk’s names. A Buddhist monk used a name with the same letter in their brothers’ names as a monk’s name despite being an abbot with a priestly rank titled Exalted Great Master. The reason is that, in the Goryeo dynasty, Buddhist monks did not have to use monk’s name just because they left the secular world. They sometimes continued to use, as monk’s name, a name containing the same letter to keep a sense of unity with their brothers. This means that they failed to sever the relationships with the family. In particular, after leaving the secular world, some candidate Buddhist monks continued to live with their family until they passed Buddhist monk qualifying exam. This suggests that Buddhist monks in the Goryeo dynasty had close relationships with their family despite their having left the secular world. Besides, some Buddhist monks in the Goryeo dynasty used their family name when they were called by other people. Among Buddhist monks who used the family name, priestly rank and monk’s name altogether, one monk participated in his mother’s funeral and lived by his mother’s grave for three years. Considering the case that a Buddhist monk used the family name with monk’s name and the relationship with his family members and relatives was emphasized, Buddhist monks seem to have used their family name together with their monk’s name to reveal the perception that they were among their family members. This relationship was the driving force to enable Buddhist monks to get help from their family or take the initiative for the interest of their family. Sometimes, Buddhist monks and their family members equated their private interest with their clan’s and helped each other. Although, by nature, leaving the secular world in Buddhism was to separate from the secular world and pursue enlightenment, such a behavior of Buddhist monks did not matter, because individuals in the Goryeo dynasty were unified centered on family.

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