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박윤재 역사학회 2023 역사학보 Vol.- No.257
As the Japanese immigrated to Korea, the profession of midwife was born. In order to respond to the demand for midwives in the provinces, the colonial power established a short training course in midwifery at Jahye Hospital and created an area-restricted midwife system. Japanese immigrants were important to the colonial power. Nevertheless, the regional distribution of midwives was imbalanced. The number of pregnant women giving birth with the help of midwives in rural areas was small. Midwives were evaluated as pioneers who led a new civilization by overcoming the traditional ignorance of Korean society. Furthermore, the midwife was a job suited to women. It was also an attractive job because of the stable income. It was even mentioned that a midwife’s income was the same as a doctor’s one. As job stability was secured, the number of Korean midwives increased. To improve the skills and knowledge of midwives, education was systematized and the training period was extended. Criticism of the midwife, however, persisted. There was even criticism that midwives lacked knowledge of hygiene and cleanliness. This criticism was likely related to the short period of education. Furthermore, midwives could not provide medical treatment when they encountered difficult labor. If a pregnant woman wanted a safe birth, the midwife could be insecure. In the absence of an obstetriciangynecologist, a midwife’s chance of success was sustainable. However, the increase in doctors and hospitals was likely to change the situation. 일본인이 한국에 이주하면서 산파라는 직업이 탄생하였다. 식민권력은 지방의 산파 수요에 대응하기 위해 자혜의원에 속성조산부과를 설치하고 한지산파제도를 만들었다. 식민권력에게 일본 이주민은 중요했기 때문이다. 그럼에도 산파의 지역 분포는 제한적이었다. 지방, 특히 농촌에서 산파의 도움을 받아 출산하는 임산부의 수는 적었다. 산파는 조선사회가 전통적으로 가지고 있던 무지를 걷고 새로운 문명을 이끄는 선각자로 평가받았다. 산파는 여성에게 어울리는 직업이었다. 산파는 수입이 안정적이었다는 점에서도 매력적인 직업이었다. 의사의 수입과 동일하다는 언급이 있을 정도였다. 직업의 안정성이 확보되면서 조선인 산파의 수는 증가하였다. 산파의 기술과 지식을 향상시키기 위해 교육은 체계화되었고 교육기간은 연장되었다. 하지만 산파에 비판은 지속되었다. 심지어 산파의 위생과 청결에 대한 대처가 부족하다는 비판도 있었다. 이러한 비판은 짧았던 교육 기간과 연관되어 있을 가능성이 높다. 나아가 산파는 난산을 만나더라도 의료적 처치를 할 수 없었다. 임산부가 안전한 출산을 원할 경우 산파는 불안한 존재가 될 수 있었다. 산부인과 의사가 적은 상황에서 산파의 성공 가능성은 지속될 수 있었다. 하지만 의사와 병원이 증대하면 상황이 달라질 가능성이 있었다.
朴潤載 서울시립대학교 부설 서울학연구소 2004 서울학연구 Vol.- No.22
Hanseongwisaenghoi(The Sanitary Organization in Seoul) was originally established in 1907 since cholera had prevailed before. It was in charge of sanitary work in Seoul, the capital city of Korea, and a cosmopolitan area. Hanseongwisaenghoi actively started to work from 1908. Seoul took over the sanitary activity in 1914, owing to the change of local policy. Although Hanseongwisaenghoi was initially established for improvement of sanitary environment in Seoul, it primarily concerned the health of Japanese immigrants in Korea. Japanese immigrants played an important role in direct colonization and assimilation for the Japanese Colonial Government(JCG) in Korea. So the JCG took consideration that their health and sanitation would be significant. Keeping the clean and clear environment in Seoul for Japanese immigrants owing to the activities by Hanseongwisaenghoi, the JCG enabled governors to participate in controlling in colonized Korea without fearing to get infected with contagious disease. Therefore, Hanseongwisaenghoi was in charge of embedding colonization and controlling over the country. After a cleaning rule and a police act were legislated for the sanitary obligation of Seoul residents in 1908 and a regular cleaning in 1912 respectively, Hanseongwisaenghoi were paying more attention to how to remove night soil, which was sorted by residents while they were cleaning. Residents, assigned district, were in charge of cleaning and sanitary works depending on their residency. The sanitary police, leading a whole process of cleaning, called a meeting for residents who were responsible for assigning cleaning works, educated them and delivered concrete guidelines and procedure before every regular cleaning process. The sanitary police operated to supervise janitors, to care cleaning outfits, to manage the cleaning schedule, and to charge the sanitary fee. The activities of Hanseongwisaenghoi were closely related to those of the sanitary police in the colonized period in Korea. As a result, Hanseongwisaenghoi played an important role in cleaning and assisted the work of the sanitary police. Koreans became passive through the cleaning process by the sanitary police, a representative of controlling power under the JCG, though the initial purpose of the sanitary police was to operate sanitary works effectively using administrative power. The police were able to control the individuals under the guise of public wealth, such as sanitary works, cleaning process. Korean residents would not do any sanitary works for their own sakes if they were not forced by the police, so they were trained to be submissive through the process.
박윤재 한국근현대사학회 2008 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.47 No.-
In 1918, during the Japan’s colonial rule of Korea, Japan’s government-general in Korea announced the ‘Regulation to Prevent Tuberculosis,’ which was about placing spittoons in major public places and sterilizing them. It was a prevention measure based on the idea that tuberculosis is disseminated through body fluids of patients. It was, however, the 1930s when the government-general started to take active measures to prevent tuberculosis. Since the Manchurian Incident in 1931, the range of war that Japan started was growing bigger, and Japan was leading an all-out, total war basis not only in the front line but also in the home front. Under these circumstances, tuberculosis was designated as the most dangerous disease to harm health of its people A tuberculosis sanatorium was grabbing attention as an efficient policy to tackle the disease as a sanatorium isolates patients to stop worries of infection and makes it possible to naturally cure the patients by enhancing their resisting power through recuperation. A sanatorium, however, faced an obstacle, as residents of some candidate places for sanatoriums opposed the foundation of sanatoriums in their residence for fear of the disease. Even after a sanatorium was established, a private sanatorium demanded expenses that were too high for general citizens to afford. After all, in order to efficiently tackle tuberculosis, there was a need for public sanatoriums managed by the government that could accommodate patients living in poverty. Meanwhile, in the mainland Japan, a law to prevent tuberculosis was enacted in 1914, and the number of tuberculosis sanatoriums was on the increase although it does not mean that there were enough sanatoriums. Yet, in Korea, the law to prevent tuberculosis that stipulates a foundation of sanatoriums was not being issued. Furthermore, building tuberculosis sanatoriums that could hospitalize 40,000 patients demanded a budget that the government-general could not afford. After all, without the settlement of the financial issues, all government-general could do in tuberculosis policy was to emphasize prevention through individual health care and hygiene. In 1918, during the Japan’s colonial rule of Korea, Japan’s government-general in Korea announced the ‘Regulation to Prevent Tuberculosis,’ which was about placing spittoons in major public places and sterilizing them. It was a prevention measure based on the idea that tuberculosis is disseminated through body fluids of patients. It was, however, the 1930s when the government-general started to take active measures to prevent tuberculosis. Since the Manchurian Incident in 1931, the range of war that Japan started was growing bigger, and Japan was leading an all-out, total war basis not only in the front line but also in the home front. Under these circumstances, tuberculosis was designated as the most dangerous disease to harm health of its people A tuberculosis sanatorium was grabbing attention as an efficient policy to tackle the disease as a sanatorium isolates patients to stop worries of infection and makes it possible to naturally cure the patients by enhancing their resisting power through recuperation. A sanatorium, however, faced an obstacle, as residents of some candidate places for sanatoriums opposed the foundation of sanatoriums in their residence for fear of the disease. Even after a sanatorium was established, a private sanatorium demanded expenses that were too high for general citizens to afford. After all, in order to efficiently tackle tuberculosis, there was a need for public sanatoriums managed by the government that could accommodate patients living in poverty. Meanwhile, in the mainland Japan, a law to prevent tuberculosis was enacted in 1914, and the number of tuberculosis sanatoriums was on the increase although it does not mean that there were enough sanatoriums. Yet, in Korea, the law to prevent tuberculosis that stipulates a foundation of sanatoriums was not being issued. Furthermore, building tuberculosis sanatoriums that could hospitalize 40,000 patients demanded a budget that the government-general could not afford. After all, without the settlement of the financial issues, all government-general could do in tuberculosis policy was to emphasize prevention through individual health care and hygiene.
박윤재 한국근현대사학회 2016 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.78 No.-
Japanese pharmaceutical firms entering the colonial Korea between the 1930s and the 1940s when the war was being expanded around the world could become a foundation of growth of Korean pharmaceutical industry after the liberation because the firms were large-scaled with superior facilities. However, activities of the vested firms fell short of expectations due to several factors. First, the accepters were inexperienced: the large-scaled pharmaceutical firms were taken over by those who had little experience in the pharmaceutical industry. Second, antibiotics introduced after the liberation rapidly and in quantity altered the pharmaceutical environment. The pharmaceutical industry in Korea began to be reorganized with production of antibiotics as its center, indicating that the technology and the facilities of the vested pharmaceutical firms were of little avail. The Korean War acted as another factor because of which the pharmaceutical firms slowly seeking for self-support were discouraged. During the war, around 80% of their facilities were destroyed. The biggest factor that determined the fate of the firms was the assistance from the United States. The ICA funds that had been distributed since the mid 1950s were an important chance for the Korean pharmaceutical industry to revive, but the vested firms were excluded from the financial distribution because their relative advancement from the facilities and equipment was vanished after the Korean War. 일본의 제약회사들은 1920년대를 거치면서 식민지 조선에 공장이나 지점을 설치하기 시작하였다. 특히 1930년대 이후 만주와 중국에 진출하는 발판으로 일종의분공장 형식의 시설을 설치하였다. 종전 직전까지 자본액만 151만 원이 넘는 회사가3개에 이를 정도로 대규모 투자가 이루어지고 있었다. 이 회사들은 해방이라는변화 속에서 한국 제약업의 발전을 위해 활용될 수 있는 중요한 자산이었다. 하지만 귀속업체들은 1940~1950년대를 거치면서 쇠퇴 혹은 정체된 모습을 보이고 있었다. 기존 연구는 그 이유로 인수자들의 무경험을 지적하였다. 규모가 큰제약회사들이 제약업 무경험자들에 의해 인수되었다는 주장이다. 하지만 제약업경험 여부는 회사의 성패를 가름하는 결정적인 요소라기보다 보조적인 역할을 담당하였다. 결정적 요소는 미국의 의약품과 재정 원조였다. 해방 후 대규모이자 급속도로 유입된 항생제는 제약업의 환경을 변화시켰다. 제약업은 항생제 제조를 중심으로 재편되기 시작했고, 귀속업체들이 가지고 있던 기술이나 설비는 장점을 발휘할 수 없었다. 한국전쟁은 서서히 자립을 모색하던 제약회사들을 좌절시키는 다른 요소였다. 제약회사들의 운명을 결정지은 가장 큰 요소는 미국의 원조였다. 1950년대 중반부터 배분되기 시작한 ICA 자금은 한국 제약업이 부흥할 수 있는 중요한 계기였다. 하지만 이 자금 배분에서 귀속업체들은 소외되었을 뿐 아니라 적절한 운용에도 실패했다.
SNS환경에서의 보안위협과 대응방안에 관한 연구 -소셜 네트워크 서비스를 중심으로-
박윤재,정진홍 한국과학수사학회 2012 과학수사학회지 Vol.6 No.3
본 논문에서는 현재 발생되고 있는 소셜 네트워크 서비스에 대한 이론적 고찰을 통해서 보안위협을 살펴보고 이와 관련한 국내외의 동향을 파악하여 대응방안을 연구하고자 한다. 2장에서는 소셜 네트워크 서비스 현황과 특징에 대해 이론적 고찰 및 선행연구를 통해서 Definition 과 Analysis해 볼 것이다. 다음으로 3장에서는 소셜 네트워크 서비스의 보안적 측면에서의 위험성에 대해 이론 및 사례를 통해서 알아볼 것이다. 이후 4장에서는 정보보호관점에서 현상, 사례를 통한 필요성을 제시하고, 여러가지 잠재적 위협 및 위험에 대한 대응방안을 방안을 찾아보고자 하였다.