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崔鍾碩 忠南大學校 1972 論文集 Vol.11 No.-
In this paper, the writer has estimated a model of the optimun curve by means of math ematical extrapolation based on logistic curue, using the census data since 1955 and mid-year population. The model of the optimum logistic curve of Korean is aasumed to be as follows : Y=53.147/1+1.4759e^-0.05049t Because this estimate is formed by mean of mathematical extrapolation, the expectation can be said to be optimistic, on the assumption that such a stable tendency as that of today will last. There will be a good deal of reliability on postcensal estimate of future population because this estimate is formed using the census data from around the demographic transition to the present day. We can guess at a saturation population by virtue of an estimate of logistic curve. The saturation population of Korea is estimated as 53,147,000 in this paper. We can guess at demographic transition by virtue of an estimate of simple logistic curve. In this paper we have found the fact that the demographic transition of Korea has been rapidly advancing since 1963.
최종석 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2020 한국문화 Vol.0 No.92
This article was intended to reach a more advanced understanding of the diplomatic ritual of the late Koryo dynasty, focusing on understanding the use of Beon’guk Euiju(蕃國儀注) and its characteristics. From a long-term and macroscopic point of view, the diplomatic ritual from the mongol subjugation period to the late Chosun dynasty was homogeneous. This article is an attempt to capture the historicity of Koryo’s diplomatic ritual, which are different from other periods while assuming this homogeneous fact. The main considerations are as follows: First, I explored the intention and reason that Koryo produced procedures of diplomatic ritual imitating Beon’guk Euiju(蕃國儀注). Second, I explained the reason why Koryo made procedures of diplomatic ritual by making full use of the rituals contained in Beon’guk Euiju(蕃國儀注), not by choice. Third, the official documents(公牒) such as Chamun(咨文) were only necessary to be received without any welcoming ceremony, but Koryo prepared and performed procedures of the ritual(迎大明無詔勅使儀) to greet the envoys who carried the official documents(公牒) such as Chamun(咨文). I tried to explain the reason. Finally, I explored the methods and supporting data used in the process of self-producing procedures of the ritual(迎大明無詔勅使儀) to greet the envoys who carried the official documents(公牒) such as Chamun(咨文). .
대전 상대동 고려 유적지의 성격에 대한 시론적 탐색-院村에서 邑治로-
최종석 한국중세사학회 2011 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.31
The ‘old Yuseong(古儒城)’ and Gwangdowon(廣道院) recorded in Sinjeung-Donggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽) each would be located in the Jungdong and Won district in the Daejeon-si(大田市) Sangdae -dong(上垈洞). The ‘old Yuseong’ functioned as the local affairs center(治所) during a certain period in the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasty. The Sangdae-dong Goryeo historic site would be Won(院) village in the early Goryeo dynasty. At that time, the Jungdong district historic site in the Sangdae-dong would be Won village, and the Won district would be affiliated with the district. The Sangdae-dong Goryeo historic site underwent a great transformation during the late Goryeo dynasty. The local affairs center of Yuseong-hyeon(儒城縣) would be moved to the Jungdong district. As a result, the Jungdong district was converted to Eubchi(邑治) village. At that time, the ‘Gwangdowon’ would be installed in the Won district. It would make that district to be transformed into Won village. The Won district functioned as Won village that was attached to Eubchi(邑治) village. The ‘old Yuseong(古儒城)’ and Gwangdowon(廣道院) recorded in Sinjeung-Donggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽) each would be located in the Jungdong and Won district in the Daejeon-si(大田市) Sangdae -dong(上垈洞). The ‘old Yuseong’ functioned as the local affairs center(治所) during a certain period in the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasty. The Sangdae-dong Goryeo historic site would be Won(院) village in the early Goryeo dynasty. At that time, the Jungdong district historic site in the Sangdae-dong would be Won village, and the Won district would be affiliated with the district. The Sangdae-dong Goryeo historic site underwent a great transformation during the late Goryeo dynasty. The local affairs center of Yuseong-hyeon(儒城縣) would be moved to the Jungdong district. As a result, the Jungdong district was converted to Eubchi(邑治) village. At that time, the ‘Gwangdowon’ would be installed in the Won district. It would make that district to be transformed into Won village. The Won district functioned as Won village that was attached to Eubchi(邑治) village.
최종석 한국사연구회 2012 한국사연구 Vol.159 No.-
This study explores the implications of the Sega (世家, noble family history) section of the <Koryŏsa(高麗史, History of Koryŏ)> from the standpoint of cultural history. In this regard, the main focus is on the fact that the Sega were included in the biographical- thematic historical work known as <Koryŏsa(高麗史, History of Koryŏ)> compiled during early Chosŏn instead of the Pon´gi(本紀, basic annals). This study attempts to prove that such a decision was based on the authors’ own interpretations and ‘creative choices’ rather than an ‘automatic routine’ based on the need for ‘legitimacy.’ The implications of these decisions are also examined. Tributary states outside of China placed great importance on their legitimacy as vassal states. To this end, while being ‘strongly’ aware that Pon´gi was a type of work dealing with the chronicles of emperors, these states opted to compile historical records based on biographical-thematic style historical materials. In this regard, the matter of how to organize the sections of a historical material was one that had multiple rather than one exact answer. This is evidenced by a detailed look at cases that emerged during the timeframe spanning from the final period of Koryŏ to the late Chosŏn period. This study focuses on the following: the establishment of the culture and institutions needed to maintain legitimacy as a vassal state outside of China never occurred in a passive manner; moreover, the non-negotiational characteristics of such works were never completed in an expedient manner. These were in fact regarded as creative works in which such states ‘own’ judgments and decisions played an active role. Furthermore, this study highlighted the potential disputes and arguments that lay in such answers reached based on their ‘own’ interpretations of difficult points, a denouement that originated from their adherence to the status of vassal state. This study explores the implications of the Sega (世家, noble family history) section of the <Koryŏsa(高麗史, History of Koryŏ)> from the standpoint of cultural history. In this regard, the main focus is on the fact that the Sega were included in the biographical- thematic historical work known as <Koryŏsa(高麗史, History of Koryŏ)> compiled during early Chosŏn instead of the Pon´gi(本紀, basic annals). This study attempts to prove that such a decision was based on the authors’ own interpretations and ‘creative choices’ rather than an ‘automatic routine’ based on the need for ‘legitimacy.’ The implications of these decisions are also examined. Tributary states outside of China placed great importance on their legitimacy as vassal states. To this end, while being ‘strongly’ aware that Pon´gi was a type of work dealing with the chronicles of emperors, these states opted to compile historical records based on biographical-thematic style historical materials. In this regard, the matter of how to organize the sections of a historical material was one that had multiple rather than one exact answer. This is evidenced by a detailed look at cases that emerged during the timeframe spanning from the final period of Koryŏ to the late Chosŏn period. This study focuses on the following: the establishment of the culture and institutions needed to maintain legitimacy as a vassal state outside of China never occurred in a passive manner; moreover, the non-negotiational characteristics of such works were never completed in an expedient manner. These were in fact regarded as creative works in which such states ‘own’ judgments and decisions played an active role. Furthermore, this study highlighted the potential disputes and arguments that lay in such answers reached based on their ‘own’ interpretations of difficult points, a denouement that originated from their adherence to the status of vassal state.
대몽항쟁 · 원간섭기 山城海島入保策의 시행과 治所城 위상의 변화
최종석 진단학회 2008 진단학보 Vol.- No.105
본 연구는, 고려 말 이전과 이후 사이에 입지와 성격 등의 측면에서 治所가 위치한 城이 전적으로 상이하였다는 논지를 바탕으로, 고려전기 국가와 지역공동체 모두의 지배와 방어 거점으로 기능해 온 치소성이, 대몽항쟁기와 원간섭기 동안 어떠한 계기와 원인을 통해 변화하였고, 또한 그 위상은 어떠한 방향으로 귀결되었는지를 고찰하는 것을 목표로 하였다. 고려전기 국가와 지역공동체 모두의 방어 거점으로 기능해 온 치소성은, 몽고의 1차 침략 당시 제 역할을 하지 못하였다. 그리하여 강화 천도 이후로는 국가 주도의 山城海島入保策이 실시되었고, 이는 원간섭시기까지도 지속되고 있었다. 산성해도입보책은 1차 침입 당시 몇몇 지역에서 자구 차원에서 행한 海島 입보를 국가가 수용하여 전국을 대상으로 확대 시행한 것으로, 치소성을 대신하여 군사·방어 측면에만 초점을 맞춘 산성과 해도를 입보·방어처로 선택한 정책이었다. 이러한 산성해도입보책의 실시는 방어처의 변화 및 군사·방어적 측면에 초점을 맞춘 방어처의 선택, 그리고 국가 주도의 방어처 선택과 입보 실시 등을 의미하고 있었다. 치소성은 강화천도 이후로 방어 거점의 역할을 상실하였고 원간섭시기에는 원의 정치·군사적 통제 속에 놓여 있어 위상이 크게 저하되어 있었지만, 당시까지는 치소가 위치한 성으로 유명무실한 채 존속하고 있었다. 대몽항쟁·원간섭시기 치소성의 이와 같은 위상 변화를 배경으로 하여, 결국 고려말에 치소성은 사회적 실효성을 상실하였고, 거의 대부분은 폐기·방기되기에 이르렀다. Chiso-seong places failed to fully function during the first wave of attack from the Mongols. And after the capital was transferred to the Ganghwa江華 island, a policy of relocating people to mountain fortresses and islands was initiated. This shift in policy indicated that the government chose them as the new line of defense, instead of the Chiso-seong places. The Chiso-seong places were devaluated, and the local self-defense communities lost their status as the traditional line of defense. People had to move to the defense areas designated by the government. During the Yuan元 intervention period this policy was maintained, and with Yuan dynasty’s political and military control over Goryeo added to the equation, the Chiso-seong places became less and less needed. Yet these Chiso-seong places continued to exist as fortresses which housed local affairs centers(even by mere names).
최종석 연세대학교 국학연구원 2007 동방학지 Vol.138 No.-
The Coinage of ‘Ŭpsŏng’ and Types of Fortification where there was Chiso(治所) in the Early Chosŏn Choi, Jong-suk* The term of ‘Ŭpsŏng’ was coined in the Chosŏn dynasty. During the Late Koryŏ and Early Chosŏn dynasty, there were a significant shift within fortifications placed around Chiso(治所) depending on their locations and roles. In this context, the term of ‘Ŭpsŏng’ was used for the purpose of distinguishing the newly constructed fortification from the previous ones. There were two types of Ŭpsŏng in the Early Chosŏn: one using the previous KoryŏChiso-sŏng(治所城) and the other newly constructed since the Late Koryŏ. The former located largely in mountains was minor in numbers and it number decreased. The latter around town was majority and this patter became prevalent.
16세기 중엽 순창 향리사회의 城隍大神事跡 현판 제작의 배경과 과정
최종석 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2022 한국학연구 Vol.- No.67
본고는 명종 18년(1563) 무렵에 ‘城隍大神事跡’을 제목으로 하는 현판을 제작하게 된배경과 과정을 한층 심화하여 이해하는 것을 목표로 해서 작성된 글이다. 특히 16세기 중엽에 순창군의 鄕吏 사회가 현판을 처음 제작하게 된 배경으로 작용한, 구래의 향리층 주도성황제가 위기에 빠진 상황 및 위기 상황을 타개하고자 한 향리층의 노력을 부각하면서 현판제작의 과정을 파악하였다. 현판 제작의 배경과 과정은 개략적으로 다음과 같다. 도학 실천에 열중하였을 인물인 양응정은 군수로 부임한 이후 구래의 향리 주도 성황제를음사라 하여 금단하고 이를 삭망 시에 유교식으로 경건하게 치르는 성황제로 대체하도록 하였다. 순창군의 향리들은 향리 주도의 성황제가 중단된 위기 상황을 타개하는 일환으로 ‘城 隍大神事跡’ 현판을 제작하였다. 현판 작업의 핵심은 성황사 내에 보관되어 온, 고려 후기의 것으로 성황신에게 수여된 職 牒들을 현판에 옮겨 새겨 후세에 보여주는 것이라 할 수 있다. 이 일을 통해 순창의 향리사회는 순창 성황신이 예전부터 국가로부터 여러 차례 직첩을 받은 특별한 존재임을 부각하여성황신의 정당성을 확보ㆍ강화하고자 하였을 것이다. 이와 병행하여 순창의 향리층은 군의土姓인 설씨이기도 하고 동국여지승람 순창군 인물 항목의 첫머리를 장식하는 설공검을성황신으로 삼으면서, 그리고 유교적 가치에서 보더라도 훌륭한 인물인 설공검을 성황신으로 모시면서, 이들 첩문을 새기는 현판에다가 동국여지승람의 설공검 행적도 함께 수록하였다. 또한, 현판 제작의 경위를 밝히는 글에서는 성황신=설공검이라는 등식을 창출하면서 설공검이 고려 후기 이래로 성황신이었다는 새로운 신화를 만들고, 이와 맞물려 설공검이 성황신이 되고서 성황제는 국제로 치러졌고 성황신은 국가로부터 수차례 작첩을 받았다고 하는새로운 서사를 만들어냈다. 순창군의 향리 사회는 이러한 작업을 통해서 순창의 성황신인 설공검은 양응정과 같은 이가 보더라도 바람직하고 모범적인 역사 인물이고 과거에 國祭의 대상이었으며 여러 차례 국가로부터 爵牒을 받았던 존재라 칭송하여 성황신의 정당성을 확보ㆍ강화하고자 하였을 것이다. 위기에 처한 구래의 성황제를 구해내고자 하는 순창 향리 사회의 이 같은 노력은 결과적으로는 소기의 목표를 달성하였다고 할 수 있다. 16세기 중엽 이후로도 향리 주도의 성황제가 존속한 데서 그러하다. 특히 순창 지역 사례에서 눈에 띄는 점은 다른 지역 사례와 달리위기에 빠진 향리층 주도 성황제를 구해내고자 하는 향리 사회의 대응 노력이 구체적으로 확인되는 사실이라 하겠는데, 이것이 순창 지역 사례의 연구사적 의미라 할 수 있다.
조선시기 鎭山의 특징과 그 의미 - 읍치공간 구조의 전환의 관점에서 -
최종석 조선시대사학회 2008 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.45 No.-
This paper investigated historical situation that mountains at the back of Eubgi(邑基), centering on geomantic guardian mountain, in large numbers appeared as Jinsan(鎭山) since the Late Koryo and Early Choson. The distribution aspect and spatial characteristics of Jinsan in the Choson dynasty were different from those in China and Koryo society. In the aspect of distribution, unlike only few regions setting up Jinsan in China and Koryo society, the majority of local regions established Jinsan in the Choson. In relation to spatial characteristics, a large number of Choson dynasty Jinsans were mountains at the back of Eubgi(邑基), centering on geomantic guardian mountain. The historical characteristics of Choson dynasty Jinsan were related with the fact that, during the Late Koryo and Early Choson, the local affairs centers(治所) were located and city structure was conversed in large local regions, influenced by geomantic principle. In other words, large local regions chose geomantic guardian mountain as Jinsan, imitating the capital city structure of Koryo and Choson. 본 연구는, 여말선초 시기 전국적인 治所의 이동과 이와 맞물려 진행된 읍치 공간 구조의 전환 속에서, 다수의 지방 군현이 都城을 모방하여 풍수적 主山을 중심으로 한 邑基 배후의 山을 鎭山으로 선정하는 현상을 규명하고자 하였다. 조선시기 진산의 분포 양상과 공간적 특징은 중국 및 고려와 상이하였다. 분포 양상의 경우, 중국과 고려에서는 일부 군현에만 진산이 분포하였지만, 조선시기에는 대다수 군현에 진산이 선정되어 있었다. 그리고 공간적 특징의 측면에서는, 중국 · 고려와 달리, 조선시기 진산들 가운데 다수가 풍수적 主山을 중심으로 한 邑基 배후의 山이었다. 분포 양상과 공간적 특징에서 보이는 조선시기 진산의 역사적 성격은, 여말선초 시기 치소가 산성 형태의 治所城에서 평지로 이동하였고, 적지 않은 군현의 읍치 구조가 도성을 모방하여 풍수적 원리를 반영한 채 전환된 사실과 밀접하게 연관되어 있었다. 개경과 이를 계승한 한양은, 중국 그리고 고려 지방 군현과 달리, 전형적인 풍수적 형국을 갖추고 있었고, 이러한 도시 구조 속에서 풍수적 主山 혹은 祖山을 진산으로 선정하고 있었다. 고려의 지방 군현은 개경과 달리 치소가 산성 형태의 치소성 내에 위치하는 등 풍수적 형국을 갖추지 못하였기 때문에, 당시 풍수적 主山을 중심으로 한 邑基 배후의 山을 진산으로 선정할 수 없었다. 그러다 여말선초 시기를 경과하면서 치소가 산을 후면에 두면서 평지에 위치한 경우가 많아졌고, 外官(官) 주도의 지방지배질서가 대두 · 강화되었으며, 이러한 지방지배질서의 전환과 맞물려 읍치의 공간적 구조는 도성을 모델로 하여 재편되고 있었다. 이와 같은 시대적 배경 속에서 지방 사회는 개경 · 한양을 모방하여 풍수적 주산 혹은 조산을 진산으로 대거 선정하고 있었다.