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( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 동아시아학술원 2010 Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.10 No.1
Based on the demographic data from the Andong Kwon clan genealogies, the rates of men`s remarriage reached a peak in the late 17th century but it gradually fell afterwards. Men`s remarriage was no longer considered as an effective means of having a legitimate son. On the other hand, having too many legitimate sons could cause a risk of degrading the family`s financial strength and social status. o control the risk. In the mean time, The rates of adoption increased beginning in the late 17th century and soared in the 19th century. People were giving up on their efforts to have a legitimate son and instead making an attempt to maintain the family`s social status and financial means through a kyeja. As the only son, the adopted heir could inherit the family`s property all alone and the rest of his family members at his original home could control the dispersion of the family`s financial resources caused by the continued practice of the partible inheritance. Especially under the situation where the social status and financial strength of the high class was getting weaker in the 19th century, the distribution of property through adoption helped stabilize the household economy.
조선왕조 1600년경 편찬 족보의 계보형태와 특성 -1606년 편찬 『진양하씨세보(晉陽河氏世譜), 만력본(萬曆本))』의 분석을 중심으로
손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2012 大東文化硏究 Vol.77 No.-
조선왕조시대의 족보는 신분제의 유동성에서 기인하고 신분적 배타성에 의거하여 동일계층의 사회집단을 결집하려는 의도로 편찬되었다. 그러나 한편으로 족보 편찬에는 네트워크의 개방성에 기인하여 편찬에 참가하는 가계가 끊임없이 확산되고 교체되는 변화를 겪는다. 말하자면 선별적이고 계층적인 집단화의 배타성과, 혼인과 더불어 무한히 확대되는 네트워크의 개방성이라는 두 가지 서로 다른 원리로 족보가 편찬되었다. 조선시대 족보의 계보형태와 기재사항이 부계혈연집단의 결집을 강화하는 방향으로만 작용하지는 않았다는 것이다. 1600년경에 편찬된 족보들은 그 전과 후에 편찬된 족보들의 계보형태와 그 특성 이 갖는 연속성과 변화를 동시에 보여준다. 특히 『진양하씨세보(만력본)』에서 주목되는 것은 편자의 선조들 가운데 부계남성으로 시작하는 계보를 ``子派``, 부계여성의 배우자인 사위로부터 시작하는 계보를 ``女派``라 구분하여 기록할 뿐 아니라, ``外譜``라고 부르면서 부계남성의 배우자, 妻家의 계보를 수용했다는 점이다. 이전의 족보는 아들과 딸 양쪽으로 이어지는 계보형태를 띠어 ``子女譜``라 불린다. 이 족보는 기본적으로 이전의 ``자녀보`` 형태를 유지하지만, ``자파`` ``여파``와 같은 여러 개의 네트 워크를 설정하고 여기에 더해 편자의 직계선조의 처가쪽 혼인네트워크까지 끌어들여 각 네트워크를 혼인관계로 연결하고 있다는 것이다. 서로 다른 네트워크를 ``링크(link)``시키는 접점을 ``노드(node)``라고 한다. 사위로부터 이어지는 ``女派``의 계보나 처가의 계보인 ``外譜``를 서로 잇는 연결점, 즉 족보에서 네트워크 사이를 링크하는 노드는 夫婦이다. 이전의 족보는 딸과 그의 남편이 연결점의 역할을 했으며, 1600년경부터 그것에 더해 아들과 며느리가 연결점으로 등장했다. 족보편찬의 그러한 원리는 17세기 이후의 족보편찬에도 지속적으로 적용되었다. 부계남성의 계보로 단일화되는 경향이 있는 17세기 이후의 일반적인 족보에는 각부계남성들의 배우자측, 즉 妻父의 기록이 네트워크의 연결점으로 기능했다. The genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty, which was derived from the mobility of a caste system, was compiled in order to unite the social group that had the same status according to status exclusionism. However, on the other hand, the compilation of the genealogy was also derived from the openness of their network, which caused lineage inclusion that continuously spread and replaced existing networks. In other words, the genealogy was compiled by two different principles, the selective and hierarchical collectivization`s exclusion and the infinitely expanding network`s openness through marriage. Therefore, the pedigree` form and the items recorded not only had the effect of reinforcing the paternal descent group. The genealogies which were compiled around 1600 show the continuity and change in the same time, compared to the genealogy before and after that. In particular, among the compilation of ancestors in the Chinyang Hassi Genealogy (Mallyo edition) ``晉陽河氏世譜(萬曆本)``, the lineage started from paternal males was called Japa ``子派``, the lineage started from the son-in-law of paternal females was called Yopa ``女派``, and the spouse of the paternal males are called Oebo ``外譜``. The genealogies before this which includes both son and daughter`s lineage are called Janyobo ``子女譜``. This genealogy fundamentally not only maintains the form of previous Janyobo ``子女譜``, but also sets up several networks like Japa ``子派``, Yopa ``女派``, and even includes the marrige network of lineal ancestor`s wife, and link these networks with marriage. The point that links the different networks is called a node. Like the node link the Yopa ``女派``lineage which started from the son-in-law and the Oebo ``外譜``lineage of the wife, the node link the network in the genealogy is the couple. In the previous geneology, daughter and her husband works as node, and from 1600 son and his wife became the node too. The link through marriage makes the social network`s openness spread, even after the compilation of the genealogy, the lineages are included through Ch`urok ``追錄`` or Pyolbo ``別譜``. And the principle of genealogy is continuously applied after the 17th century. The genealogy which has an unification trend of paternal line after the 17th century, the record of paternal males` wife`s side functions as a node of network.
조선후기 거주이동과 혈연적 연대의 관계 -단성지역 합천이씨 가계들의 호적과 족보 분석을 통해-
손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.79
3년마다 작성되는 호적대장의 ‘행정리’는 가족이 실제로 거주하는 복수의 ‘마을’로 편성된다. 호구 등록이 가족의 형성과 거주이동을 그대로 반영한다고 단언하기는 어렵지만, 행정리를 넘어서는 호구 이동을 연속된 장기적 관찰로 추적하여 현실적인 거주와 이동을 추정할 수는 있다. 조선후기 단성지역의 합천이씨 가족들은 여러 행정리에 할거하고 있었다. 행정리마다 등재된 호구는 대체로 신분이나 가계를 달리하며, 행정리에 지속적으로 거주하거나 행정리를 넘어서서 이동하는 경향에도 차이가 있었다. 18~19세기를 통해 동일 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 경우는 점차 감소하는 반면, 호의 대표자가 장남과 계자인 호의 비율은 높아진다. 거주이동이 심화되고 계자율이 높아지는 경향을 반영한다. 계자와 장남이 출신지 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 비율은 양반과 향리의 특정가계에서만 두드러진다. 단성현의 합천이씨 가족들은 18세기를 통해 세거지의 형성을 강하게 열망해왔지만, 타지역으로의 이동도 빈번했다. 19세기에는 양반들도 몇몇 직계가족을 제외하고 한 지역에서 세대를 이어 장기적으로 거주하기는 어려웠다. The administrative village in the household registers published every three years in Joseon Korea consisted of several actual villages. It is hard to conclude that the household register shows the formation and migration of the family as it was. However, it is possible to presume the actual movement of the family by observing the living and moving on the registers in the long term. In the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, the Hapcheon Lee clan members of Tanseong prefecture were dwelling in several administrative villages. The trend of moving patterns across the border of the administrative villages of the Lee clan members those who are in various social status differed by lineages and their status. While the proportion of the households those who kept staying in the same administrative village was decreased, the proportion of as the household head who was the first son or adopted son in the family increased for the eighteenth and nineteenth century. It means that they migrated frequently and adopted more in that period. However, the eldest sons or adopted sons of some elite lineages tended to not move across the administrative village border. Even though the Lee clan was known about had been tried to build their “same family name villages” in the prefecture in the eighteenth century, the registers also show they used to move across the villages. The nineteenth century onwards, staying at a village in generations was difficult to even the elite lineages except for a few dominant families.
손병규(Son, Byung-Giu) 역사학회 2017 역사학보 Vol.0 No.234
The Joseon dynasty had compiled household registers across the country every 3 years. The household registers were made to distribute levy and military service evenly. Financial and human resources had centralized after the 17th century by the government. So the government announced the record which decide total amount of finances-about lands and households-on prefecture level in the 18th century. The centralization of finances prevented the government institutions and the royal family from collecting taxes separately. The goal of centralization is to directly manage the tax records and control the collecting resources by the central financial institution. The household register and financial records of the late Joseon dynasty show the policy intentions of the government to control the market and operate the financial and human resources. These records do not show reality, but we can guess the agricultural productivity, population, and family situation that would had been considered for policy decision through these records. It is difficult to prove the agricultural productivity in the late Joseon. We only know random numbers about population and family from the household register. By analyzing this data with a historical demographic methodology and tracking population and family aspects, it can not be concluded that the living standard of the 19th century family has declined.
시카타 히로시(四方 博)의 조선시대 ‘인구·가족’ 연구에 대한 재검토
손병규(Son Byung-giu) 고려사학회 2013 한국사학보 Vol.- No.52
The study about household register, especially the structure of social stratification by Shikata Hiroshi affected many researchers. The method of classifying social stratification from register record and the general understanding about historical developing process which both based on modernism are not so much different with each other. We want to point out that in Shikata’s analysis about class, he neither regarded the ‘legal’ aspect of national need in household register’s recording process, nor realized the investigation of households was basically based on local total amount system. Shikata more focused on population and family in his household register study. He analyzed the composition of population and marital relationship from register when the people’s interest at population rose at that time. Although the family study was also influenced by the colonial household register regulation, he suggested the measuring should be observed from perspective of family’s diversity and the separation of small-family and extended?family. Further he developed extend-ed family system into cognate village or kinship group. The population texts including household register should be recognized as historical demographic resource. Shikata Hiroshi’s study about household register already provided the clue. The colonial period population study should be reconsidered while raise the modernism banner as well as apply the traditional method into east asia society modernization. The feature of east asian demographic resource can use the traditional methodology to show population phenomenon and transition which is different from western modernism.
특집 : 조선후기 실학자의 현실 인식과 사회경제개혁론; 정약용의 재정개혁론 -지방재정에 대한 현실인식을 중심으로-
손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 한국실학학회 2014 한국실학연구 Vol.0 No.27
茶山 丁若鏞의 재정개혁론을 지방재정에 대한 현실인식이라는 관점에서 살펴본다. 정약용의 『經世遺表』에서 제시된 井田法은 王土思想에 기초한 중앙집권적 토지징수의 원리를 밝힌 것이다. 이에 대해 『牧民心書』에는 그러한 재정 원리가 재정징수의 현장에서 실현될 수 있는 재정운영 원칙들이 제시되어 있다. 정약용은 징수와 상납, 재원의 관리, 자체경비의 충당이라는 지방의 재정업무가 재정의 중앙집권화 과정에 대응하여 수행될 것을 제안한다. 또한 그와 동시에 지방의 독자적인 재정업무 수행의 방법을 제시하고 있다. 그것은 조선왕조의 재정이 정규의 재정부분에서 집권적으로 파악되고 비정규의 재정부분에서 자율성을 인정하는 ‘이원적 체제’에 의거하여 운영되고 있음을 간파한 때문이다. 19세기 초에 정약용이 제시한 재정개혁론은 왕토사상에 기초한 국초의 재정이념에 담긴 혁신성을 재천명한 것이라 할 수 있다. 이것은 18세기 이후 재정의 중앙집권화가 실현되는 역사적 경험에 의거하며, 조선왕조 재정의 특징인 ‘節用’의 절약적 재정이 이원적 재정체제 위에서 실현될 수 있다는 현실적 인식에 기초하고 있다. This paper examine the theory on financial reform fo Jeong Yak-yong from the point of view of reality recognition of local government finance. He presented the idea of Well-field system in the Gyeongseyupyo(經世遺表). This is based on the principle of centralized land collection. The financial principles, the Mokminsimseo(牧民心書) presents the method of operation so that it could be implemented in the field of taxation. He suggested that it is run fiscal management of the local government- such as tax collection and payment, management of financial resources, voluntary appropriation of expenses-so as to correspond to the process of centralization of finance. Also he presented a method of self-regulating fiscal management of local government. Because he had penetrated about the dual system of finance of the Joseon Dynasty. This dual system means centralized in the official sector and autonomous in the informal sector. Fiscal reform theory, he claimed in the 19th century, was one that revived the innovation embedded in the financial ideology of founders of the Dynasty. Since the 18th century, fiscal centraliztion was realized in the Joseon Dynasty. This is because he believed fiscal saving, which is a feature of the financial system of the Joseon Dynasty, could be realized within the dual system of finance.
18세기 말의 지역별 호구총수(戶口總數), 그 통계적 함의
손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.38
The central government of Joseon Dynasty announced household and population statistics by regions in 1789. This document was made at the same time when statistics by regions of various kind of dynasty finances were set. The statistics of the household and population of the state scale grew rapidly in the latter half of the 17th century, when the time of rehabilitation from disasters war against Japan and Qing China. However, these statistics remained unchanged during 18·19th century in spite of time changed. The household statistics of Joseon dynasty was made by just adding up the statistics of the local household register. Because household register would not find out all real inhabitants, it has many omissions and mistakes about the population of registration. The number of the households and the population by regions was fixed in the process of organizing of household, and was simultaneously distributed to an affiliation administration area. The investigation of the household register and the management of statistics by regions were left to the local government, and it was inflected by financial administration.
손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2014 사림 Vol.0 No.47
The genealogy publication boon happened in early twentieth century also existed in Joseon Dynasty. Joseon Dynasty organized families by using united household registration form and hierarchy system, also controled people by using centralized autocracy under royal authority. As a response, high class tried to form exclusive unition by publishing genealogy which recorded marital relationship. The private survival strategy based on genealogy publication developed into two different directions, one is expansion of ideal lineage, the other is family succession strategy. Even in the early twentieth century, genealogy publication boon maintained as private survival strategy response to the constructing western modern ruling system. Birth place based family ruling system and actively progressed industrialization have stimulated the desire for genealogy publication. The situation in early twentieth century provided new chance for yangban-orientation which had developed rapidly in nineteenth century. The traditional recognition that held on to legitimacy of yangban family or founded new yangban family, even expanded kinship network sometimes repeated more actively. The genealogy publication boon might be a method for korean people to survive in colonial period. When colonial ruling system took over as centralized autocracy aiming Joseon Dynasty collapsed and hierarchy system disappeared, the expansion of kinship network or kinship union become a measure of self-defense during the process.
책봉체제하(冊封體制下)에서의 `국역(國役)` ― 조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 재정시스템의 특징과 관련하여 ―
손병규 ( Son Byung-giu ) 수선사학회 2017 사림 Vol.0 No.59
The finance system of Joseon Korea was centralized by the government. The government unified the taxes into lands, like Ming-Ching China. However the central government levied labor power based on military service system. And income of the local government depended on corvee allotted each household using household register. The military service system had continued as a way to minimize public finance, because saving is one of the most important value of Confucianism. The military service system does not make cost in collecting process because taxpayer come and provide labor personally. And it can not be say that the burden of taxpayer of this system is bigger than other system offering real goods. Taxpayer generally had paid to each government ministries personally. After the centralization of the finance system, the sources and tax were gathered to Hojo(戶曹), the central financial ministry and redistributed to other ministries. However levying labor power still could save the cost in collecting and transporting process. Stability and long peace in East Asian countries owed international order based on the tributary system(冊封體制). The national defense expenditures accounted for most of the national finance excluding costs royal protocols. But the Joseon dynasty under the proclaiming system could not retain own armed forces. That is because the country of emperor(天子) could maintain military system and mobilize the forces. It seems that the national defense of the Joseon dynasty depended on the two; guard mounting peasants patrol the capital, and the tributary system. In this system, the emperor had duty and right to defense a tributary state with his armed forces. In this ways, the Joseon dynasty could save autonomously national defense expenditures and realize ideology of the Confucianism which emphasize saving resources.