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Based on the demographic data from the Andong Kwon clan genealogies, the rates of men`s remarriage reached a peak in the late 17th century but it gradually fell afterwards. Men`s remarriage was no longer considered as an effective means of having a legitimate son. On the other hand, having too many legitimate sons could cause a risk of degrading the family`s financial strength and social status. o control the risk. In the mean time, The rates of adoption increased beginning in the late 17th century and soared in the 19th century. People were giving up on their efforts to have a legitimate son and instead making an attempt to maintain the family`s social status and financial means through a kyeja. As the only son, the adopted heir could inherit the family`s property all alone and the rest of his family members at his original home could control the dispersion of the family`s financial resources caused by the continued practice of the partible inheritance. Especially under the situation where the social status and financial strength of the high class was getting weaker in the 19th century, the distribution of property through adoption helped stabilize the household economy.
조선왕조시대의 족보는 신분제의 유동성에서 기인하고 신분적 배타성에 의거하여 동일계층의 사회집단을 결집하려는 의도로 편찬되었다. 그러나 한편으로 족보 편찬에는 네트워크의 개방성에 기인하여 편찬에 참가하는 가계가 끊임없이 확산되고 교체되는 변화를 겪는다. 말하자면 선별적이고 계층적인 집단화의 배타성과, 혼인과 더불어 무한히 확대되는 네트워크의 개방성이라는 두 가지 서로 다른 원리로 족보가 편찬되었다. 조선시대 족보의 계보형태와 기재사항이 부계혈연집단의 결집을 강화하는 방향으로만 작용하지는 않았다는 것이다. 1600년경에 편찬된 족보들은 그 전과 후에 편찬된 족보들의 계보형태와 그 특성 이 갖는 연속성과 변화를 동시에 보여준다. 특히 『진양하씨세보(만력본)』에서 주목되는 것은 편자의 선조들 가운데 부계남성으로 시작하는 계보를 ``子派``, 부계여성의 배우자인 사위로부터 시작하는 계보를 ``女派``라 구분하여 기록할 뿐 아니라, ``外譜``라고 부르면서 부계남성의 배우자, 妻家의 계보를 수용했다는 점이다. 이전의 족보는 아들과 딸 양쪽으로 이어지는 계보형태를 띠어 ``子女譜``라 불린다. 이 족보는 기본적으로 이전의 ``자녀보`` 형태를 유지하지만, ``자파`` ``여파``와 같은 여러 개의 네트 워크를 설정하고 여기에 더해 편자의 직계선조의 처가쪽 혼인네트워크까지 끌어들여 각 네트워크를 혼인관계로 연결하고 있다는 것이다. 서로 다른 네트워크를 ``링크(link)``시키는 접점을 ``노드(node)``라고 한다. 사위로부터 이어지는 ``女派``의 계보나 처가의 계보인 ``外譜``를 서로 잇는 연결점, 즉 족보에서 네트워크 사이를 링크하는 노드는 夫婦이다. 이전의 족보는 딸과 그의 남편이 연결점의 역할을 했으며, 1600년경부터 그것에 더해 아들과 며느리가 연결점으로 등장했다. 족보편찬의 그러한 원리는 17세기 이후의 족보편찬에도 지속적으로 적용되었다. 부계남성의 계보로 단일화되는 경향이 있는 17세기 이후의 일반적인 족보에는 각부계남성들의 배우자측, 즉 妻父의 기록이 네트워크의 연결점으로 기능했다. The genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty, which was derived from the mobility of a caste system, was compiled in order to unite the social group that had the same status according to status exclusionism. However, on the other hand, the compilation of the genealogy was also derived from the openness of their network, which caused lineage inclusion that continuously spread and replaced existing networks. In other words, the genealogy was compiled by two different principles, the selective and hierarchical collectivization`s exclusion and the infinitely expanding network`s openness through marriage. Therefore, the pedigree` form and the items recorded not only had the effect of reinforcing the paternal descent group. The genealogies which were compiled around 1600 show the continuity and change in the same time, compared to the genealogy before and after that. In particular, among the compilation of ancestors in the Chinyang Hassi Genealogy (Mallyo edition) ``晉陽河氏世譜(萬曆本)``, the lineage started from paternal males was called Japa ``子派``, the lineage started from the son-in-law of paternal females was called Yopa ``女派``, and the spouse of the paternal males are called Oebo ``外譜``. The genealogies before this which includes both son and daughter`s lineage are called Janyobo ``子女譜``. This genealogy fundamentally not only maintains the form of previous Janyobo ``子女譜``, but also sets up several networks like Japa ``子派``, Yopa ``女派``, and even includes the marrige network of lineal ancestor`s wife, and link these networks with marriage. The point that links the different networks is called a node. Like the node link the Yopa ``女派``lineage which started from the son-in-law and the Oebo ``外譜``lineage of the wife, the node link the network in the genealogy is the couple. In the previous geneology, daughter and her husband works as node, and from 1600 son and his wife became the node too. The link through marriage makes the social network`s openness spread, even after the compilation of the genealogy, the lineages are included through Ch`urok ``追錄`` or Pyolbo ``別譜``. And the principle of genealogy is continuously applied after the 17th century. The genealogy which has an unification trend of paternal line after the 17th century, the record of paternal males` wife`s side functions as a node of network.
3년마다 작성되는 호적대장의 ‘행정리’는 가족이 실제로 거주하는 복수의 ‘마을’로 편성된다. 호구 등록이 가족의 형성과 거주이동을 그대로 반영한다고 단언하기는 어렵지만, 행정리를 넘어서는 호구 이동을 연속된 장기적 관찰로 추적하여 현실적인 거주와 이동을 추정할 수는 있다. 조선후기 단성지역의 합천이씨 가족들은 여러 행정리에 할거하고 있었다. 행정리마다 등재된 호구는 대체로 신분이나 가계를 달리하며, 행정리에 지속적으로 거주하거나 행정리를 넘어서서 이동하는 경향에도 차이가 있었다. 18~19세기를 통해 동일 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 경우는 점차 감소하는 반면, 호의 대표자가 장남과 계자인 호의 비율은 높아진다. 거주이동이 심화되고 계자율이 높아지는 경향을 반영한다. 계자와 장남이 출신지 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 비율은 양반과 향리의 특정가계에서만 두드러진다. 단성현의 합천이씨 가족들은 18세기를 통해 세거지의 형성을 강하게 열망해왔지만, 타지역으로의 이동도 빈번했다. 19세기에는 양반들도 몇몇 직계가족을 제외하고 한 지역에서 세대를 이어 장기적으로 거주하기는 어려웠다. The administrative village in the household registers published every three years in Joseon Korea consisted of several actual villages. It is hard to conclude that the household register shows the formation and migration of the family as it was. However, it is possible to presume the actual movement of the family by observing the living and moving on the registers in the long term. In the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, the Hapcheon Lee clan members of Tanseong prefecture were dwelling in several administrative villages. The trend of moving patterns across the border of the administrative villages of the Lee clan members those who are in various social status differed by lineages and their status. While the proportion of the households those who kept staying in the same administrative village was decreased, the proportion of as the household head who was the first son or adopted son in the family increased for the eighteenth and nineteenth century. It means that they migrated frequently and adopted more in that period. However, the eldest sons or adopted sons of some elite lineages tended to not move across the administrative village border. Even though the Lee clan was known about had been tried to build their “same family name villages” in the prefecture in the eighteenth century, the registers also show they used to move across the villages. The nineteenth century onwards, staying at a village in generations was difficult to even the elite lineages except for a few dominant families.
The central government of Joseon Dynasty announced household and population statistics by regions in 1789. This document was made at the same time when statistics by regions of various kind of dynasty finances were set. The statistics of the household and population of the state scale grew rapidly in the latter half of the 17th century, when the time of rehabilitation from disasters war against Japan and Qing China. However, these statistics remained unchanged during 18·19th century in spite of time changed. The household statistics of Joseon dynasty was made by just adding up the statistics of the local household register. Because household register would not find out all real inhabitants, it has many omissions and mistakes about the population of registration. The number of the households and the population by regions was fixed in the process of organizing of household, and was simultaneously distributed to an affiliation administration area. The investigation of the household register and the management of statistics by regions were left to the local government, and it was inflected by financial administration.
Even after the modern registration of the population started from the Colonial Period, it went hand in hand with a census of resident registration through the creation of a family register. The family register of the colonial period that Japan used was based on the family registration from the Meiji reforms. Through the recording of deliberate changes in family composition, like marriage, birth or death, the central government created a register based on a legal family through blood relations to control each individual person. Family registers from China and Korea had continually been created from ancient society until the change to modern society. However, since the way of taking the census in the colonial period was differentfrom the traditional way, the people needed to be forcibly mobilized, since a lot of resistance arose due to the familiarity with the old ways. On the one hand this was because the compilation of genealogies by citizens had been widely popular among people. Many people had feverishly created a family register based on a paternal lineage, on the one hand in order to overcome social discrimination of the Choseon status system that perished along with the dynasty itself, on the other hand to reaffirm their social heritage. However, this was also an ideological countermeasure against the census of the colonial authorities. The renaming policy of 1940 was created as an extension of the census geared toward families. This policy was not only to change names into a more Japanese way, but by homogenizing one family name and all the members of that family, they wanted to change the family lineages of colonial Koreans to the modern Japanese style of creating genealogies. Through this renaming it can be seen that colonial Koreans first of all created a name that would keep its legacy with its earlier family name, and second that one family would all change their name to the same one, or would register that they all lived in the same region. Even close family would usually use the same name according to the clan where they belonged to in order to distinguish themselves from other relatives. Colonial Koreans would in response to the renaming policy keep their connection to their links to a small scale.
The finance system of Joseon Korea was centralized by the government. The government unified the taxes into lands, like Ming-Ching China. However the central government levied labor power based on military service system. And income of the local government depended on corvee allotted each household using household register. The military service system had continued as a way to minimize public finance, because saving is one of the most important value of Confucianism. The military service system does not make cost in collecting process because taxpayer come and provide labor personally. And it can not be say that the burden of taxpayer of this system is bigger than other system offering real goods. Taxpayer generally had paid to each government ministries personally. After the centralization of the finance system, the sources and tax were gathered to Hojo(戶曹), the central financial ministry and redistributed to other ministries. However levying labor power still could save the cost in collecting and transporting process. Stability and long peace in East Asian countries owed international order based on the tributary system(冊封體制). The national defense expenditures accounted for most of the national finance excluding costs royal protocols. But the Joseon dynasty under the proclaiming system could not retain own armed forces. That is because the country of emperor(天子) could maintain military system and mobilize the forces. It seems that the national defense of the Joseon dynasty depended on the two; guard mounting peasants patrol the capital, and the tributary system. In this system, the emperor had duty and right to defense a tributary state with his armed forces. In this ways, the Joseon dynasty could save autonomously national defense expenditures and realize ideology of the Confucianism which emphasize saving resources.
이 글은 민간족보에 왕실과의 혼인관계를 기록한 양상을 통해 혼인을 매개로 한 네트워크 형성의 경향성과 족보 편찬 당시의 계보에 대한 인식을 검토한 글이다. 『안동권씨성화보』에는 고려왕실과의 혼인 계보가 드물지 않게 나타난다. 이 점은 조선 건국 이후에 족보편찬에 참여한 사람들이 선조가 고려 왕족과 혼인한 사실을 밝히면서 중앙세력으로서의 신분 연원을 과시하는 듯한 인상을 준다. 반면 조선왕조 초기의 왕실 혼인 관계는 활발하게 기재하지 않았다. 『진양하씨세보(만력보)』는 편찬자의 부계 직계 선조를 중심으로 처가 계보인 '외보'를 설정하는 등 17세기 이후 부계 중심의 족보로 전환해가는 과도기적 성격을 보인다. 이 족보에서도 왕실 혼인과 관련해서 과거 중앙정계에 몸담던 가계의 인물들을 상세히 등재해 왕실 남성과의 혼인을 과시하였다. 또 왕실 혼인관계를 기재한 후 그로부터 3~4대에 걸친 계보까지 등재한 경우도 있었다. 『春坡心易』에서 눈에 띠는 기록은 이 족보의 중심 가문인 강씨로부터 조선왕조의 왕비와 빈으로 연결되는 계보이다. 이미 중앙정계와 멀어진 지역 양반들이 왕실과의 혼인관계를 과시함으로써 지방사회에서 위상을 정당화하는 데에 활용한 것으로 여겨진다. 그러나 이러한 계보의 표현은 지역의 혼인네트워크에 기초해 신분내적 유대관계를 형성하고자 하던 『춘파심역』의 목적과는 이질적으로 느껴진다. 지역의 상층계급이 유교적 교양을 지향하고 자치 집단을 형성해 지역사회의 권력을 장악하는 한편, 왕실 혼인을 통해 정당성을 확보하려는 모순을 보이기 때문이다. 이것이 전국적인 위상으로 통용되지 못한 채 지역 사회에서 계층 연대를 추구하던 조선시대 향촌사회의 상층 '양반'의 현실이었다. The recording of royal marriages in non-governmental genealogies of the Joseon dynasty and that of royal genealogies clearly show the character and changes regarding the purpose of its compilation. In the Record of the Andong Kwon family compiled at the end of the 15th century, many references to the marriages with the Goryeo royal family and the Joseon royal family are recorded. The families of the upper class who were involved in the compilation of the genealogy of the early Joseon kings, factually portray their marriage and those of their ancestors with the royal family. This shows off their social standing in the center of power. It also reflects their insecurity of their own status. The Jinyang Ha family record which was compiled early 17th century, was compiled centering on people of rural society, however, many persons appear who are related to several households with a past connection to central power and hereby show off their marital links with the royal family. After the 17th century recordings of a lineage with the royal family do not appear anymore in most genealogies and only those directly related by marriage appeared. However, the Ch'unseongshimyeok compiled in the middle of the 19th century again has several names from the regional upper classwhich are connected to a network of marriages. What is striking about these records is that the editor of this genealogy connects his lineage through several other families to a marriage with the Joseon king. Even though the marriage with the royal family had been severed it does show the surroundings of regional society's power through marital networks with central authority.