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      • KCI등재

        프랑스혁명사의 “전지구적 전환”: 혁명사 연구의 새로운 방향에 대한 사학사적 고찰

        권윤경 ( Yunkyoung Kwon ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.54

        Recently, we have observed a new “turn” in the historiography of the French Revolution, interconnected with the rise of global perspectives in general. In the studies of the French Revolution, the ‘global turn’ has challenged the traditional frameworks of analysis predicated on ‘French Hexagon’ or ‘European France.’ Born from the confluence of diverse fields and theories, the global turn demands redefining the French Revolution in terms of the global context which both created the Revolution and was changed by the revolutionary vortex: the emergence of the “primitive globalization,” imperial competition and the circulation of peoples, commodities and ideas in transnational networks. It not only illuminates the importance of hitherto unacknowledged colonial actors in the revolutionary dynamics but also re-situates the Revolution itself in the global-national-local nexus in which different levels of spatiality interacted with one another. This research is an endeavor to understand in historiographic terms this very recent attempt to renew the studies of the French Revolution, so as to appropriate it from our own ‘local’ perspectives. Can we call it simply “French” Revolution, when it was constituted by the global influences, both in its origin and the course of events? When we grasp the multidirectional networks of revolutionary chain reactions and the kaleidoscope of the revolutionary changes in a fuller range, how could it affect our understanding of the French Revolution as the presumed origin of our modernity? Will it amount to a true paradigm shift in the studies of the French Revolution, providing a new breakthrough for rebooting the field? Grappling with those fundamental questions, this article examines the complex genealogy of the global turn(second chapter), exemplifies the main academic achievements derived from the turn(third chapter), and finally addresses both possibilities and limits that those attempts have revealed(conclusion). (Changwon National University / yunkwon1794@gmail.com)

      • KCI등재

        원전 체제의 형성, 1940~1970: 미·영·프·독의 경우를 중심으로

        이관수 ( Kwan Soo Lee ),이내주 ( Nae-joo Lee ),문지영 ( Ji-young Moon ),박진희 ( Jin Hee Park ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.55

        The history of nuclear power production in the United States, the United Kingdoms, France and West Germany contradicts technological determinism. The reactor technology converged on the light water reactor, while their nuclear power regimes diverged quite differently. This historical development evades socio-economical factor analysis, since the historical contingencies and contexts of each nation played critical roles. Even nuclear engineers and scientists` legitimate domain of expertise were dissimilar. Though the nuclear policy of United States conditioned the nuclear development of the UK, France, West Germany, the influences never were unidirectional. Especially, UK`s nuclear development propelled US to created then non-existent nuclear power plant program. At the end of 1960s, nuclear power production regimes in each nations were established. However, they were confronted with different problems. In the United States, the traditional arguments on “government vs private sector” took a new turn. Safety concern iginited quite a acerbic controversy. Both of the United Kingdoms and West Germany shared the expectations that nuclear power plant industry would be a healthy export industry, but that prospects were not bright, regardless of who controls the nuclear industry, the government(UK) or private sector(West Germany). France had finally caught-up the Anglo-American nuclear capacities, if not quantity. However how to realize France`s strong nationalistic vision remained an open question. (Dongguk University-Seoul/ksleeyz@gmail.com, Korea Military Academy, Sookmyung Women`s University, Dongguk University-Seoul)

      • KCI등재

        한국 여성운동의 첫 번째 물결과 여성 권리의 제한적 확대: 한국 그리스도교를 중심으로

        안교성 ( Kyo Seong Ahn ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2019 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.61

        In commemoration of the 120th anniversary of the “Yeogwon Tongmun”(Declaration of Women’s Rights), the Ministry of Gender Equality of the Korean Government organized various memorial events. As well-known, the Feminist movement in the West developed step by step and thus can be neatly divided into several waves. In particular, the first-wave feminism was the women’s suffrage movement, a domestic political movement which aimed at expanding the right to vote from men to women in a particular nation. In Korea, however, this was not the case. The feminist movement in Korea was deployed under the double-layered contexts: patriarchism and feudalism, and imperialism. Thus, the feminist movement in the Korean peninsula did not evolve into a domestic political movement like that in other Western countries; instead, it grew into an international political movement, on the one hand, and a social rather than a political movement, on the other. Not surprisingly, this extraordinary historical backdrop resulted in the complexity of the Korean feminist movement. In general, it can be said that the Korean women’s right to vote was given in the legislation of the nation-building process of Korea: it was declared in the Charter of the Provisional Government in 1919, and again, in the Establishment of The Constitution in 1948. The fact that the first-wave feminism in Korea was achieved through the legislation rather than struggle predisposed the future of the next-waves. While the waves in the West can be viewed as an evolution type, those in Korea can be seen as a co-existence and mixed type. Meanwhile, Korean Christianity has greatly contributed to Korean feminism, and yet it also shared the latter’s limitations. Korean Christianity led the modernization of Korean women, comprised of the majority of Korean women patriots, equipped numerous Korean women to secure the pool of dedicated leaders for church and state, including Korean feminism. However, Korean Christianity in effect did not successfully overcome the challenges such as imperialism, patriarchism and feudalism, and ecclesiastical democratization, all of which resulted in the reduced role in the first-wave feminism in Korea.

      • KCI등재

        68혁명과 한국개신교

        안교성 ( Kyo-seong Ahn ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2018 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.58

        Is 68 Revolution (or May 1968 events in France) significant to the Korean society? To answer this question, this article aims to investigate the relationship between the 68 Revolution and the Korean society, centering on Korean Protestantism. In doing so, this study is to focus on three periods in which the Korean Protestant church shows interest in the historical movement in 1968: 1968, the year of the 68 Revolution; 1987, that of the June Democracy Movement (or June Struggle); and 2008, that of the Candle Revolution, and beyond. Although the 68 Revolution is one of the landmark events in world history, it cannot be said that it was properly appreciated or appropriated in the Korean society, particularly the Korean church, mainly due to different historical contexts. Furthermore, it turns out that this underestimated political upheaval has not been well studied in Korea. The 68 Revolution is a notoriously complicated phenomenon, which seems to defy explanation: it was both constructive and destructive; and it was the movement of counterculture and alternative culture. The Korean Protestant church came under the influence of the 68 Revolution, through the Uppsala General Assembly of the World Council of Churches held in 1968, and the renowned theologian, Jurgen Moltmann, a kind of guru of Korean political theologians, who selectively adopted the message of the 68 Revolution. In 1987, the prolongation of the authoritative government compelled the Koreans to continue to concentrate on political issues rather than cultural ones, and it was against this historical backdrop that emerged the Korean civic groups with the leaders most of whom outgrew their loyalty to Korean Protestantism. Nowadays, the Korean Protestant church faces almost the same questions as those which the ‘May 1968’ raised but not fully answered: civil rights movements, the voice of the under-represented, cultural strife, generation conflict, etc. Different from the European countries which have struggled with generational and ideological issues over the last several decades since the 68 Revolution, the Koreans including Korean Protestants are forced to sort out problems, social and religious, with limited time, for the retarded political change in Korea led to the lagging of cultural transformation. (Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary / ksa@puts. ac.kr)

      • KCI등재

        “고결한 정의의 원칙과 실질적인 평화의 복원” 사이에서: 제1차 세계대전 후 독일황제에 대한 전범재판의 시도

        송충기 ( Chungki Song ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2019 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.60

        The aim of this article is to review the attempt of the Allies to bring German Emperor Wilhelm II to international court as a war criminal shortly after World War I. The Article 227 of the Versailles Treaty laid down his responsibilities for ‘a supreme offence against international morality and the sanctity of treaties.’ None of the arrangements of the article, however, were to be effectuated, because the Emperor had already fled to the neutral Netherlands to seek political asylum. Thus the Nuremberg trial that took place after World War II became a milestone in the development of international law.Until recently the trial of the German Kaiser has been considered negative with words such as ‘a fiasco’ or ‘a failure’ mainly in terms of the development in international law. According to studies the lack of the efforts of the Allied Powers and differences of opinion among them caused ‘the failure’ of implementing the provision of the Treaty. Britain and France have made efforts to put the Kaiser on trial, while Woodrow Wilson and the american delegation, in fact, preferred a political solution over the legal punishment.This paper points out that the Allies laid more emphasis on ‘a restoration of real peace’ than ‘the high principles of justice’ over time. The Allies, especially Britain and France, which were initially drawn to the cheers of victory, called for the punishment of war criminals for ‘justice,’ but recognised gradually that their attempt might do harm ‘peace’ after the War. They gave up the trial, not because they would not deliver him to justice or there were some big legal problems, but because they were concerned much about the political situation of that time.(Kongju National University / chungkisong@gmail.com)

      • KCI등재

        19세기 영국 퀘이커교도의 비즈니스 성공요인과 그 윤리

        최현미 ( Hyunmi Choi ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2021 서양사연구 Vol.- No.64

        This study aims to examine the roles of Quaker tradesmen and entrepreneurs in the developments of the Industrial Revolution in Britain and the success factors and ethics of Quakers’ Business activities. How the Quaker took the lead the front line of the Industrial Revolution? What brought Quakers into various fields of commerce and industrial world? Quaker was derived from puritanism since the Civil War in England but Quaker believers had been at odds with other protestant sects. Because Quakers thought that Everyone was equal before God and they denied the official authorities including the King and the religious leaders. Therefore Quakers were regarded as the dangerous group that threatened the social order. From the 1660s, The Commonwealth of England and the constitutional monarchy kept prohibited Quakers from advancing the official position of the political circles and the social professions and the admission into any university and college. So Quakers could not have advanced into the various business circles and industrial world. Quakers had been striven to calling faithfully and concentrated on their trading and managing their business efficiently during 18~19th centuries. Finally, they contributed to establish the development of modern capitalism in Britain as the outstanding forerunners or manufacturers or tradesmen that were engaged in manufacturing industries during the 18th~19th century. Above all, Quakers had managed to their company honestly and put in business practice truthfully following codes of conduct of Quakerism for equality, peace, truth and simple life. As a result, Quaker companies like the Cadbury Co. of Birmingham and the Rowntree Co. of York got a good reputation of ‘good companies and good employers’ by the contemporary and some scholars of today. Some Quaker entrepreneurs and reformers tried to remove parts of social problems caused by the Industrial developments. They tried to improve their labourer’s poor life by improving the working conditions and they established collaborative relations by recognizing their labourers as collaborators. Nowadays, the Business activities of Quaker tradesmen and companies are termed in ‘Quakernomics that had features of Ethical capitalism’ by Mike King. The result of this study highlights the religious life of preserving the religious spirituality of Quakers, the presence of competent businessmen pursued new technology and innovation, Quaker’s enterprise culture and system for labourers differentiated from other companies and especially the network power of the religious society of Friend based on Quaker relationship etc. as the real factors of Quakers’ business success. (Kyungpook National University / minerva10@hanmail.net)

      • KCI등재

        “새로운 자본주의 역사”의 가능성과 문제점

        배영수 ( Youngsoo Bae ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2018 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.58

        This essay attempts to evaluate the “new history of capitalism” by reviewing its representative works and in particular those focused on American slavery. Critics have asserted that the new trend has such a broad scope and such diverse foci that it may leave its audience at once absorbed and puzzled. Moreover, it seems to have no centripetal agenda or widely-shared paradigm. The reason lies partly in the perspective adopted by historians engaging in the emerging field; they investigate capitalism from margin to center, not vice versa. Furthermore, they do not accept the familiar concepts of capitalism, Smithian, Marxist, or Weberian, while failing to help us understand what capitalism is, a question scarcely discussed in their works. These historians have stressed the capitalist nature of American slavery, arguing that planters were capitalists who often turned them into commodities or collaterals as well as pushing them into producing more marketable crops. The scholars have also tried to place slaves at one of the extremes of the spectrum from free to unfree labor, thus blurring the demarcation between slavery and capitalism in antebellum America. This view has become a hot issue among leading historians of American slavery, who have pointed out that it leads to a difficulty in explaining the growing difference between the North and the South in the antebellum United States. No less important, the new trend is focused on planters rather than on planter-slave relations, that is the essence of slavery. (Seoul National University / ybae@snu.ac.kr)

      • KCI등재

        전간기 소련 군사전략의 특성: 유럽 주요국의 ‘소규모 전문직업군대’ 논의를 중심으로

        이정하 ( Jeong-ha Lee ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2020 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.62

        This article analyses the characteristics of the Soviet military strategy in the interwar period, focusing on the discussion of ‘small and professional army’. The discussion in UK, Germany, and France show the fundamentally different approaches from the Soviet Union in terms of the perception of the next war and the lessons of the last war, the Great War. Also, this article tries to figure out sociopolitical and military-technical factors influencing on each response to the post-war conditions. Particular attention is paid to criticism of the concept of small and professional army by the Soviet military thinkers in the interwar period. Along with the review of the concept, this article attempts to make an analysis of three features of the interwar Soviet military strategy, that is, ideological aspect; total war as a next war; combined arms warfare. (Chonnam National University / budennyi@gmail.com)

      • KCI등재

        1930년대 중반 소련 강제노동수용소의 변화: 백해-발트해 산업단지의 수용소 신문에 드러난 수감자관(觀)의 변화를 중심으로

        홍지수 ( Jisoo Hong ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.55

        This thesis examines the changing nature of Soviet Gulag in the mid-1930s, focusing on the White Sea-Baltic Combine, one of the earliest and best-known corrective labor camps in the Stalin era. Historians studying Gulag have pointed out that these camps, which grew rapidly during the 1930s, served as an instrument of oppression and punishment. Corrective labor camp, they claims, were repressive and corrective in nature. This widely accepted perspective, however, portrays the camps as monolithic institutions. On the contrary, camps evolved over time, particularly in the mid-1930s when they put emphasis more on labor and less on re-education. This new emphasis mirrored a greater socioeconomic change of the mid-1930s, when an impulse for industrialization swept the whole country. In the camps, the industrial impulse was evident in daily life, which demanded inmates to become agents of productivity. To illuminate this change, this thesis scrutinizes the Gulag newspapers published in during 1935 and 1936 at the White Sea-Baltic Combine. The Gulag newspapers, circulated only within the camp, illustrated inmates foremost as laborers. Articles written by inmates betrayed a perspective that highlighted the camp primarily as an economic institution striving for higher labor productivity. It also drew on resources from the Stakhanovite movement to refashion the camp as a laboratory of productivity. The Gulag newspapers often lauded the productive inmates as the Stakhanovites and reported in detail about their achievement. In this light, this thesis demonstrates the ways in which corrective labor camps evolved into a unique organization that prioritized productivity, not re-education. (Seoul National University/suhyuk18@naver.com)

      • KCI등재

        빈곤한 여성들의 코뮌(1871): 루이즈 미셀과 앙드레 레오의 대변

        노서경 ( Seokyung Roe ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2018 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.59

        The question which motivated to compose the article is that most of the communardes was certainly working women in the state of ‘la Misere,’ in other words deprived of time and money indispensable for the idea of social transformation. Then how and why they were engaged actively in the whole process of the defeated but historical Commune of Paris (1871), in particular as the status of women? To find out some feasible answers to that question, we called on Louise Michel and Andre Leo at the same time on the assumption that both had enough reason to be represented not by any election system but through reciprocal and tacit consent among the delegated people. Without any official title in the Commune Government nor in the minority leadership for the women except a little activity of International or Montmartre Vigilance Committee, Louise Michel had been incarnated as the armed women citizen and Andre Leo as ‘soldier of idea’ by her journalism. These representative words and deeds are in a sense contradictory but both aimed for the realization of social revolution without doubt. But the social revolution for the women does not mean taking power from the bourgeois class. Rather it stands first of all in the extension of the fighting for the country known to them during the precedent Paris Occupation by the German army. The Commune women wanted to exert the full citizenship by the military participation like meal preparation and ambulance amidst the fighting National Guard against Versailles regular army. They naturally claimed for legalized reform measures like equal pay for equal work, and also for liberated from the complicated system of marriage to enjoy the independent way of life as producer and gender. More vast problem was the oppressive authority the Church largely imposed to them The women’s constant claim for better education was owing to such institutions. The Commune Government had not enough time and capability for the women question but tried to apply new principles in that field. What is remarkable for the two female communardes, was their keeping of ethic shared with their audience: they are conscious that for the durable revolutionized society could be founded upon democratic building of men and women’s relationship. If we could denominate it Commune feminism it was characterized by the intimate face to face contacts, not by distant regarding between elite and mass. Finally the feminism of Louise Michel and Andre Leo showed, even for the moment, the possibility of discovering hidden but neglected will of change in the working women of Commune For them the idea of change was cherished not only for the society itself but for each of themselves. Supported by the probable evidences we could tell the feminism of Commune was a courageous, firm adventure of laboring women who refused vanquished under the pressure of material destitution. (Humanities Research Institute of Chungnam National University / ecouter@hanmail.net)

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