이능화의 한국 양명학 연구

이우진(Lee, Woo-Jin),최재목(Choi, Jae-Mok) 한국양명학회 2015 陽明學 Vol.0 No.42

이 논문은 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물’로서 이능화(李能和)에 대한 탐구이다. 먼저, 이능화가 양명학이 어떤 측면에서 “주자학에 대항할 수 있는 가장 서구적인(=서구화할 수 있는) 사상 유형”으로 자리매김할 수 있다고 생각했는지에 대해 탐색하였다. 그 연장선에서 ‘주자학을 서구근대화의 장애물’로 판단하게 된 이유를 검토하였다. 다음으로 이능화의 조선유계지양명학파 에서 나타난 한국 양명학의 연구 관점이나 자료수집의 폭이 어떤 것이며, 그것이 이후 한국 양명학 연구자들에게 어떠한 영향을 끼쳤는지를 구체적으로 검토해보았다. 이능화는 조선을 ‘사상속박시대’라고 비난할 정도로 오직 주자학만을 유일무이한 학문으로 존숭하였던 조선 유교에 대해 비판적 입장을 지녔다. 그에 따르면, 조선의 교조주의는 근본적으로 사대주의(事大主義)에 기인한 것이었다. 또한 그러한 교조주의는 당파의 분열을 발생시켜 유교의 특장점인 정치적 · 윤리적인 사회철학적 성격을 상실케 되었다고 파악한다. 반면 이능화는 양명학을 시대변혁의 방향에 새로운 가능성을 지닌 사상으로 파악한 듯 하다. ‘전근대적인 주자학’을 탈피하여 당시의 역사적 사명인 ‘서구근대화를 이룰 수 있는 사상’으로 양명학을 바라보았던 것으로 유추된다. 이는 일본의 서구 근대화가 양명학이라는 이념적 기반에 이루어졌다는 사실에 기인한다. 이능화는 『조선유계지양명학파(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派)』에서 조선 양명학파를 학문적인 측면이 아니라 정치적인 측면에서 정리하였다. 그리고 그는 한국 양명학파를 성립시킨 인물로서 정제두로 제시하였으며, 남언경(南彦經)을 조선 최초의 양명학자로서 규정하였다. 다음으로 한국의 양명학 전래시기를 1567년 전후로 추정하였다. 이와 같은 그의 견해는 이후의 한국 양명학 연구자들에게도 고스란히 이어졌다. 특히 이능화는 조선의 양명학 배척을 역사적 사실을 통해 논증하였다. 이후 그의 한국 양명학 연구는 다카하시 도오루(高橋亨)에게 이어져 식민사관으로 재생산된다. 하지만 윤남한(尹南漢)과 유명종(劉明種)에 이르면 다카하시 도오루가 보여준 식민사관을 넘어서게 되고, 이능화가 마련한 인물 · 시각 · 자료 · 사건들을 그들의 한국 양명학 연구에서 근간으로 사용되고 있었다. 그 점에서 이능화는 ‘한국 양명학 연구의 초석을 마련한 인물’이라고 지칭해도 무리가 되지 않을 것이라 사료된다. This paper is aimed to study on Lee Nung-Hwa as ‘the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak(陽明學)’. First, we examined that why Lee considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. In addition to this, We investigated that why he thought JuJahak(朱子學) as the obstacle of making Josun modern westernization. Second, we investigated Lee’s Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa(朝鮮儒界之陽明學派) for seeking his research perspective and scope of data collection about Korean Yangmyeonghak. And, we examined in particular that what Lee had influenced on researchers on Korean Yangmyeonghak since he published this Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa . Lee described Josun(朝鮮) as ‘the spirit bondage era.’ He had a very critical stance on the Josun Confucianism, because it only acknowledged JuJahak. At that time, any other thoughts except JuJahak were regarded as unorthodox. According to him, Jujahak dogmatism was due to toadyism basically. Jujahak dogmatism had generated multitudinous partisan brawls from the earliest days of Josun. So, the confucianim lost its advantages of ethical and political philosophy. But, Lee looked at Yangmyeonghak positively. He considered Yangmyeonghak as most modern thought. Because Yangmyeonghak was the ideological foundation of the Meiji Restoration. Lee organized the Korean Yangmyeonghak school at the political side, not the academic side in 『Josunyukyejiyangmyeonghakpa』. Lee described Jeongjedu(鄭齊斗) as the feature of establish Korean Yangmyeonghak school, and identified Namunkyung(南彦經) as the first Yangmyeonghak scholar inf Josun. And, Lee estimated the Yangmyeonghak transmission time as around 1567. Many researchers followed these his views. But, Lee analyzed the Korean Yangmyeonghak school from the perspective of colonial history. His perspective of colonial history was continued to Takahasi torou(高橋亨), but that perstpective had been refused by Yunnahan(尹南漢) and Yumyeongjong(劉明宗). However, people, data, and events selected by Lee had been accepted by almost all researchers. In that point, we identify Lee as the drafter for research on Korean Yangmyeonghak.

文山 李載毅의 삶과 交遊

李鍾虎(Lee Jong-Ho) 한국인물사연구소 2010 한국인물사연구 Vol.13 No.-

Moonsan is Lee Jae-ui(1772~1839)'s pen name. He is born the eldest grandson of the Jeonju Lee's Dukchun family line. Jeonju Lee's family is a prince of the blood in Chosun dynasty.. His noble birth make him a proud person. His birthplace was Seoul, but he have lived in Yongin, Kyunggi province. Especially he is a great-grandson of chief general, Lee Ju-guk who loved by king Jungjoe. Lee Jae-ui should carry out a duty of descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. That is a devout and unavoidable fate for him. Because he has a strong consciousness of offering sacrifice to his ancestors. He didn't go into government service at all. Instead of it, he made an effort to cultivate his morals and manage the family. Lee Jae-ui was taught chinese literature by Nam, you-do and the confucian scriptures by Ryu, Jung-mo in early years. During adult ages, he was a disciple of Park, yoon-won and Song, hwan-ki who are prominent scholars of confucianism. And then he promoted a friendship with lung, Jaw-meun Ann, ho Kim, young Sim, Ryu Song, Myung-hee lung, Yak-yong etc., they are his senior scholars. Whang, Gi-chun and Hong, Jik-pil, Lee, Man-jung and Sim, Du-young are Lee Jae-ui's best friends, First of all, he was known by lung, Yak-yong's argument parter of human nature. We hope that Lee Jae-ui's literature and thought is studied deeply sooner or later.

동리(東里) 이은상(李殷相) 한시(漢詩) 연구(硏究) -이정귀 가계문학의 특성과 차이를 중심으로-

이명희 ( Lee Myoung-hee ) 근역한문학회 2020 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.55 No.-

본고는 당대 문단의 중심에 있었던 月沙 李廷龜(1564~1635) 가계의 일원인 東里 李殷相(1617~1678)의 詩文學을 고구하였다. 그의 시에 드러나는 중요한 특성들은 그만의 것이 아니라 이정귀 가계의 문학이 공유하는 것들이다. 본고는 이 점에 유의하면서 가계문학의 특성과 그만이 지녔던 차별성을 살펴보았다. 이정귀 가계는 산수 자연에 대한 갈망과 탐닉이 남달랐다. 이은상은 선대의 경험을 공유하고자 금강산 유람을 시도하였으며, 이정귀가 그랬던 것처럼 악공을 대동하여 산에 올랐다. 장문의 시 제목을 통하여 운문과 산문을 복합적으로 활용하는 가계의 전통을 계승하였다. 또한, 윗세대와 달리 다양한 詞牌를 활용하는 詞를 창작해 문학적 역량을 과시하였다. 그의 이러한 행보는 그만의 특성이 아니라 가계문학의 계승이라는 측면에서 바라볼 때 온전한 이해가 가능하다. 이정귀 가계문학은 ‘學唐’의 범주 안에 있었으며, 구성원의 시풍도 유사한 성격을 지니고 있다. 평어에 개별적 차이가 있지만, 이정귀의 ‘豪放’ ‘飄逸’에서 크게 벗어나지 않았다. 이은상의 경우 ‘豪健’이라는 평을 받았는데, 이정귀의 ‘豪放’보다 좀 더 정제된 면모에서 나온 평가이다. 16세기에서 17세기로 넘어가는 시기의 시단은 ‘學唐’의 테두리에서 벗어나지 않으면서 시적 수준을 높이려는 노력을 기울였다. 이은상의 시문학에서 ‘漢魏盛唐’을 주창한 鄭斗卿이나 金得臣처럼 적극적인 변화의 모습을 찾기는 어렵다. 그러나 가계문학의 전승속에서 이은상이 詞를 창작하고 시 구성의 치밀성 등 다양한 변화를 추구하려는 모습은 발견되었다. 김창협은 이은상의 시문학에 대하여 “율시에 뛰어나서 입을 열면 문장이 되었다”며 천부적인 재능에서 나온 口占과 口號를 높이 평가하였다. 이것은 즉흥적 감성을 담보로 한 문학의 진정성이 기반이 된 것으로 즉 백악시단의 ‘眞詩 追求’ 정신과 맞닿아 있다고 할 수 있다. 본고는 가계문학이라는 범주의 부여가 가능한지 확인하기 위해 詩語를 통하여 자카드 분석을 시도한 결과, 그 유사성을 확인하였다. 이는 이정귀에서 이은상이 활동하던 시기까지 이정귀의 가계문학에 큰 변화가 일지 않았다는 증거이다. 題材의 측면에서 논한다면 이은상의 시문학은 당대의 시인들과 다른 어떤 특수성을 갖고 있다고 말하기는 어렵다. 하지만 당대 문단의 중심인물로 활약한 이정귀 가계문학의 성향을 확인한다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 그리고 그가 물색의 탐닉에 몰두하여 ‘物色分留’라는 시어를 애호한 점은 현장체험을 중시하였던 가계의 전통을 계승하고 윗세대에서 표현하지 못한 새로운 시의 창작을 추구하였다는 실례이다. 처참했던 壬丙兩亂의 고통 속에서 헤어지는 한을 시에 담았던 윗세대와 달리 이별의 순간을 ‘浮生聚散’의 관점으로 詩想을 써내려간 이은상에게서 세상을 대하는 세대 간의 차이를 발견할 수 있다. 내재된 감성의 표현으로 達觀의 境地를 보여주는 시가 많은 것도 그의 차별적인 지점이다. 아울러 이은상의 시문학은 김상헌 가계와의 문학적 교류와 상호 영향을 고려해 볼 때, 18세기 문학의 새로운 면모를 만들고자 활약한 백악시단의 탄생에 일조했으리라 가늠할 수 있다. This paper studied the poetic literature of Dong-ri(東里) Lee Eun-sang(李殷相). He is a member of the Li Jung-gul family. The Li Jung-gu family shares literary characteristics. their literature transmits literary tradition faithfully and it should be focused that they have similar tendency. Lee Jung-gui’s family had a longing and indulgence for arithmetic. Lee attempted to tour Mt. Kumgangsan to share the experiences of his ancestors. The family tradition was inherited through the title of the long sentence, which is a combination of verse and prose. Unlike the older generation, he also created Sa(詞) that utilize various Sa(詞) to show off their literary capabilities. His behavior is fully understood in terms of inheritance of family literature. Lee Jung-Gui’s family literature has a similar style. Although there are individual differences in flatfish, they do not deviate significantly from Lee Jung-Gui’s ‘Ho bang(豪放)’ and ‘飄逸(Pyoil)’. Lee Eun Sang received the reputation of ‘豪健(Ho geon)’, which comes from a more refined aspect than Lee’s free style. In the transition from the 16th to the 17th centuries, poetical circles endeavored to raise the poetic level without leaving the borders of ‘Hakdang(學唐)’. In the poetry of Lee Eun-sang, it is difficult to find positive changes such as Jeong, Du-gyeong(鄭斗卿) and Kim, Deuk-sin(金得臣) which advocated ‘Han-Wi-Seongdang(漢魏盛唐)’. However, even in the tradition of family literature, the movement of change to raise the level through the creation of a book and pursuing the preciseness of the composition of poetry is sensed. Kim Chang-hyup said that Lee Sang-sang’s poetry is “excellent and bizarre unless he intentions.” The authenticity of improvised sentiment was highly valued because it touched spirit of the Baekaksidan(白岳詩壇). Compared with other members of Lee Jung-gui’s family through the poetic diction, it is clear that they are in an influence relationship, but his distinctiveness can be seen in the words of his own particular favorite, ‘scenery(物色)’ and ‘transient life(浮生)’. According to the jacquard analysis, Lee Eun-sang and Lee Myung-han are the most similar. However, there is little variation except Lee Seok-hyung, which has a big difference in time. It is clear that there is a similarity in the use of Shea. This proves that the changes in Family literature were not significant until at least Lee’s time. Lee’s poetry is hardly considered to have any specificity different from the poets of his time. However, there is a clear significance in that it shows the propensity of the Lee Jung-gui family that was at the center of the passage. And his devotion to the indulgence of nature and his love of the ‘mulsaegbunlyu(物色分留)’ is an example of his pursuit of a new poetic attempt that the older generation did not express. Unlike the poems of the older generations, who suffered through the experience of Im Byung-ran, being optimistic even in the moment of parting from the perspective of ‘busaengchwisan(浮生聚散)’ reveals a difference in the gaze for the world. Many poems that show the stage of ‘dalgwan(達觀)’ are also different points from those of family literature. Lee’s poetry is intact in the category of Lee Jung-gui’s family literature. His traits are mostly influenced by family literature. However, it also reveals the attempts of differentiation, such as the creation of her own poem and poem. Lee Jung-gui’s family literature favored improvisation and sincerity rather than hanging on the table. I valued the inspiration that comes directly from the landscape. This is in line with the spirit of ‘jinsichugu(眞詩追求)’ as mentioned earlier. The Lee Jung-Gwi family grew their literary capacity through continuous exchanges with the Kim Sang-Hun family. Lee Eun-sang’s position in the two-family exchange suggests that it played a role as a medium for the birth of the Baekaksidan, which contributed to creating a new face in the 18th century.

李重煥의 生涯와 『擇里志』의 成立

이문종(Moon-Jong Lee) 한국문화역사지리학회 2004 문화 역사 지리 Vol.16 No.1

The purpose of this study is to elucidate Jung-Hwan Lee's life and the process of completing book, Taekriji(擇里志, A classical cultural geography of the Korean settlement). The conclusion of the study is summarized as follows. 1. Jung-Hwan Lee's career can be divided into two periods, before and after the time when he was involved in Sinimoksa)(辛壬獄事, party strife in Sinchuk year( 1721) and Imin year(1722)) and banished to a distant island. Coming of the Lees of Yeoju, one of noble families, he had talent for poetry and prose in his childhood. At the early age of 24, he passed Kwago(科擧, the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials during Josun Dynasty) and began government service. During the service, he formed and led a circle of literary men. With In-Bok Lee and Kwang-un O, he played an important role in a progressive group in Namin, one of political parties in the Josun Dynasty. Meanwhile, Jung-Hwan Lee had an interest in geomancy from his twenties and explored the mountains in Gyeonggi-do, Hwanghae-do, and Chungcheong-do to find a good graveyard for several months with a geomancer, Ho-Ryong Mok. His friendship with Ho-Ryong Mok, which was considered as conspiracy against the king, caused him to be arrested and tried as suspect. His survey expenence of various places with Ho-Ryong Mok as well as excellent talent for poetry and prose can be said to be an important basis of his writing Taekriji later. The latter half of Jung-Hwan Lee's life was the time of frustration and adversity, for about 30 years when he lost his government position, retired from the world, and led a wandering life. Although struggling with adversity, he left a masterpiece of Taekriji through exploring the whole country. He explored 6 Provinces in Josun personally except Jeonra-do. His personal exploration made him "have a sharp eye for geographical phenomena". Through his exploring the whole country, Jung-Hwan Lee found a new Taekriji. 2. Ik Lee, Seong-Kwan Mok, Hoe-Kyeong Mok, Bong-Hwan Lee, and Eon-Yu Jeong who wrote prefaces and epilogues to Taekrij were Jung-Hwan Lee's contemporaries. Closely related by mamage, they had a similar appreciative eye for things, and in addition, all of them suffered from a party strife directly or indirectly except Eon-Yu Jeong. That's why they understood each other and had the consciousness of kind. Ik Lee, a cousin of jung-Hwan Lee's grandfather, was his senior in the family and academic stay. Jung-Hwan Lee frequently corresponded with him. Seong-Kwan Mok was a nephew of jung-Hwan Lee's wife, and Hoe- Kyeong Mok was the person who wrote down the achievements of Cheon-Im Mok, jung-Hwan's brother-in-law and Seong-Kwan Mok's life history. Bong-Hwan Lee could have been jung-I-Iwan Lee's cousin, but became his distant relative since his father, Yeon-Hyu had been adopted. jung-I-Iwan Lee's grandmother was a daughter of Man-I-Iwa jeong, one of the jeongs of Dongrae, who came from the same family as Eon-Yu Jeong. Those who wrote prefaces and epilogues to Taekriji were jung-Hwan Lee's relatives as above. 3. Five persons who wrote prefaces and epilogues helped Taeknji be known to the world, but Ik Lee played a distinguished part. It is considered that writing Taekriji began at least after April of the 25th year of king Y oungjo (1749). Taekriji is believed to have been completed in a relatively short time and at the last phase of jung-Hwan Lee's life. Prefaces and epilogues to Taekriji were written sometime between the 28th year of king Youngjo (1752) and the 29th year of king Youngjo (1753). Accordingly, we may say Taekriji is had been completed by that time. However, there are two views of what year "the beginning of early summer in Baekyang year" in the epilogue written by jung-Hwan Lee himself means: some believe it is Sinmi year and others Gapsul year. Sinmi year is the 27th year of king Youngjo (1751) and Gapsul year is the 30th year of king Youngjo (1754). If jung-Hwan Lee l

리영희의 인간주의적 사회주의에 관한 비판적 연구

이순웅 ( Soon Woong Lee ) 한국철학사상연구회 2008 시대와 철학 Vol.19 No.3

Young-hee Lee called himself humanist, humanitarians, pacifist and_iconoclast. And such ideal identities he has may be defined in a word `social democracy.` He seems to define the social democracy of Western Europe, especially Northern European countries as model of ultimate humanistic society. And the reason why he thinks social democracy as an institutional model comes from a variety of contemporary historical phenomena such as collapse of USSR and East European socialistic countries, socioeconomical change of China, difficult problems of North Korean society, aggressive nature of American capitalism, illegitimacy of South Korean regime hierarchy and so forth. If Young-hee Lee is called `a humanistic socialist`, it accentuates his `humanistic` aspects rather than his `socialistic` aspects. Some people focuses more on his `socialistic` aspects and even criticizes him for socialist, but they have one-sided views on Lee. It is true that Lee criticizes capitalism, but it is unreasonable to assert that he proposes socialism as alternative way to overcome capitalism. On the supposition that Lee`s thoughts are oriented to humanistic socialism, it indicates that socialism is more `humane` than capitalism, and the `humane` means that socialism is morally superior to capitalism. Possibly, that is why Lee considered social democracy-as a moderate combination of capitalism and socialism-as advisable social system. Nevertheless, if someone may still give a question about whether Lee is socialist or capitalist, it is recommended to answer that he is closer to capitalist, rather than socialist, although he doesn`t answer to such a question itself he thinks meaningless, because Lee seems to go through his agonized speculations and thereby come to a conclusion that socialism has moral advantages to capitalism, but it is inevitable to accept capitalism(market economy) in our real world. This is a reality that humanist Lee can hardly accept and embrace, because he has been still concerned about potential risk of capitalism that is a system mainly driven by market economy and interacts with human self-interest, which may ultimately result in human and moral corruptions. Lee seems to try to resolve this problem by means of `optimism of the will.` From long-term perspectives, Lee possibly thinks that current world order still has its optimistic future, so we have to do our best to create new world order. However, such an opinion has difficulties in satisfying some people who value intelligence more than will. Lee seems to have too simple views about the combination of capitalism and socialism, and this tendency is well demonstrated by his interests in the reunification of Germany as a benchmark for resolving potential issues between South and North Korea. According to his opinions, East and West Germany could achieve peaceful reunification because of socialistic elements inherent in West Germany. So Lee simply proposes that North Korea should accept market economy, while South Korea should embrace socialism. However, this idea may have limitations, since South and North Korea have undergone very different modern history, contrary to that of West and East Germany. West and East Germany made collaborative efforts to root out Nazis after World War Ⅱ, whereas South and North Korea have walked through very different ways from each other regarding political purge of pro-Japanese group. North Korean regime rooted out pro-Japanese group radically, while South Korean regime absorbed this group into the corridors of power. Besides, German reunification has involved not a few conflicts concerned with the issue about reorganization of property right. In order that Lee`s alternative way become more convincing, it is necessary for him to show more unambiguous standpoint about the issue of property right to South and North Korea. Lee asserts that we have to overcome structural determinism. Here, the structural determinism means a sort of intellectual and ideological obstinacy, where some advocate socialism as a perfect remedy of capitalistic corruptions, while other advocate capitalism as a sole alternative of socialism. Lee`s proposal to avoid this stubborn structural determinism means that we need to recognize everyone`s individual will of freedom and the functions or values of individual subjects who have their own right to selection. Lee has such a wide insight about structure. Here, the structure has wide conceptual implications involving class structure and even ideology or thought. Despite such a wide viewpoint about structure, his proposal to avoid structural determinism looks like a sort of `mental campaign`, so it may be considered somewhat purposeless by someone who holds a concrete social system as alternative plan.

Impact of different LEED versions for green building certification and energy efficiency rating system: A Multifamily Midrise case study

Rastogi, Ankush,Choi, Jun-Ki,Hong, Taehoon,Lee, Minhyun Elsevier 2017 APPLIED ENERGY Vol.205 No.-

<P>Various versions of the Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED.) have been introduced with the addition of more stringent sustainability parameters and credit scoring schemes over the past decade. Such changes in LEED versions strongly affect the energy performance and LEED scores of the target building in the LEED certification process. Therefore, to validate and improve the current LEED version, it is crucial to investigate and compare the impact of different LEED versions on the building energy performance and scoring scheme. However, researches comparing the sustainability metrics for mid-rise multi-family buildings are rare. Therefore, this paper investigates the potential changes in the energy performance resulted from applying different LEED versions (i.e., LEED v3 and v4) for the Energy and Atmosphere (EA) category. Towards this end, a case study was carried out with energy modeling and simulation using TRACE 700 to compare the changes in the energy performance of four analysis scenarios applied to an existing mid-rise multi-family building located in Ohio. Results showed notable changes in LEED points when different versions of LEED using different ASHRAE Standards (i.e., ASHRAE Standards 90.1-2007 and 90.1-2010) are applied for the building energy analysis. In particular, mid-rise multi-family buildings could benefit from LEED v4 in terms of LEED credits as the prerequisite for the minimum energy performance improvement in EA category became significantly lenient compared to LEED v3. On the contrary, when the percentage energy performance improvement is over 34%, mid-rise multi-family buildings would benefit from LEED v3 as it becomes difficult to gain more points for similar energy performance improvement in LEED v4 compared to LEED v3. Various stakeholders including USGBC and government can benefit from using the key findings of this study for improving the LEED certification and national energy standards.</P>

한국 성리학 主理論의 발전 上에서의 大山 李象靖 - 寒洲 李震相에 끼친 영향을 중심으로

이상하(Lee Sang-ha) 대동한문학회 2006 大東漢文學 Vol.25 No.-

  조선조 성리학에서 영남학파의 큰 흐름은 退溪 李滉-葛庵 李玄逸-大山 李象靖을 거쳐 寒洲 李震相에 이르러 理發一途를 주장, 主理論의 절정에 이른다. 이 글에서는 성리학의 인식논리와 관련하여 영남학파 主理論의 발전의 과정과 한주가 자기 학설의 논거로 사용한 대산의 설들을 살펴봄으로써 영남학파 주리론의 발전 上에서의 대산의 위상을 究明하였다.<BR>  退溪는 高峯 奇大升과의 四七論辨에서 자신이 四端·七情을 理發·氣發로 나누어 규정하는 논리적 근거로 渾淪看과 分開看이란 용어를 제시하였다. 이와 같은 용어는 이미 주자가 理·氣의 관계를 설명할 때 사용한 것이다.<BR>  寒洲 李震相는 위 혼륜간과 분개간을 竪看·橫看·倒看으로 더욱 나누었다. 그리하여 그는 주로 수간에 의하여 心의 本然은 理임을 주장하였는데 이것이 영남학파 주리론의 절정이라 할 心卽理說이다.<BR>퇴계와 고봉에게서 비롯한 사칠논변은 栗谷 李珥가 氣發一途說을 주장하여 퇴계의 互發說을 비판하면서 영남·기호 양학파간의 첨예한 論戰으로 전개된다. 영남학파에서 율곡의 학설을 본격적으로 비판하고 나선 학자는 갈암이다. 갈암은 율곡의 氣發一途說을 비판, 分開看을 강조하여 理·氣는 二物이므로 사단과 칠정도 그 근저에서 구별하지 않을 수 없다는 것이다. 그는 이에 더 나아가서 사단과 칠정의 구별은 그것이 발하기 전에 이미 心中의 근본에서 다르다는 주장을 하게 된다.<BR>  대산은 갈암 이후로 주로 분개간 쪽에만 치중한 영남학파의 四七說의 단점을 보완, 혼륜간을 함께 중시하였다. 그는 사단과 칠정이 각각 다른 길로 발하는 것이 아니라 한 길로 발하되 발할 때 각각 主가 되는 바를 가리켜 理發·氣發이라 한 것일 뿐이며 칠정도 그 本然은 性이 발한 것이라 했다. 칠정도 性이 발한 것이라는 설은 혼륜간에 의한 것으로 퇴계의『聖學十圖』중 心統性情中圖의 설에 부합한다.<BR>  한주는 자신의 학설이 퇴계의 정설에 어긋나지 않음을 힘써 증명해야 했는데 이 때 한주는 주로 대산의 설을 많이 인용했다. 그래서 한주의 저술에 朱子·퇴계 외에 가장 많이 논거로 인용된 것이 대산의 설이다.<BR>  한주는 대산도 七情理發을 인정했다는 증거가 분명히 있고, 그의 제자인 立齋 鄭宗老도 대산의 설을 이어 七情理發을 분명히 주장했다고 했다. 그리고 한주는 당시 영남학파를 대표하는 학자인 定齋 柳致明과 토론에서도 대산의 설을 근거로 들어 반박하였다.<BR>  한국 성리학 주리론의 발전 상에서 대산은 갈암 이후 분개간에 치우친 영남학파 성리설의 치우친 점을 바로잡고, 퇴계의 心統性情中圖에서 발원한 七情理發說을 복원, 발전시켜 한주에게로 이어지게 한 중요한 역할을 하였다고 할 수 있다.   The largest trend of Youngnam School in Korean Confucianism reached to the peak when Hanjoo Lee Jin-Sang suggested Lee-bal-il-do through Toigye Lee Hwang, Galam Lee Hyeon-Il and Daesan Lee Sang-Jung. This study speculates the developmental process of Chuli in respect to the cognitive logic of Confucianism and Daesan"s theories used by Hanjoo as a base of his theory to identify Daesan"s status in the development of Chuli.<BR>  The Sachil originated by Toigye and Gobongwas developed into sharp debates between Yongnam School and Kiho School when Yoolgok Lee Yi criticized Toigye"s Ho-bal-seol suggesting Ki-bal-il-do. It was Galam in Youngnam School who criticized Yoolgok"s theory. He criticized the Ki-bal-il-do and emphasized Bun-gae-gan that the bases of Sadan and Chiljung should be differentiated as Ri and Ki are two different matters. He further suggested that the bases of Sadan and Chiljung are different even before they are differentiated. Daesan complemented disadvantages of Sachilseol of Youngnam School which was inclined to Bungaegan after Galam and focused on Honryungan, too. He suggested that Lee-bal and Kee-bal are created when Sadan and Chiljung are united into one way rather than two different ways and the origin of Chiljung is Sung. The theory that Chiljung is originated from Sung is originated from Honryungan which meets Sim-tong-sung-jung-joong-do of the Sung-hak-sip-do by Toigye.<BR>  Hanjoo had to demonstrate that his theory was not against the theory of Toigye when he usually cited Daesan"s theory. So in addition to Jooja and Toigye, Daesan"s theory was cited in Hanjoo"s books.<BR>  Daesan in the development of Chuli in Korean Confucianism corrected inclined Confucianism in Youngnam School which focused on only Bungaegan after Galam, rehabilitated Chil-jung-il-bal-seol originated from Sim-tong-sungjung-joong-do by Toigye and inherited it to Hanjoo.

조선시대 전주이씨 장천군파(長川君派)의 잡과 진출

이남희(Lee, Nam Hee) 한국동양정치사상사학회 2017 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.16 No.2

전주이씨 하면 일반적으로 조선의 왕실, 그리고 핵심적인 양반 성관(姓貫)으로 널리 알려져 있다. 하지만 성씨만 보고서 양반으로 분류해버리는 것은 심각한 오류에 빠질 수 있다. 전주이씨 가계 가운데서도, 구체적으로 사료를 검토해보면 일반적으로 중인들이 응시했던 잡과에도 응시해 합격자들이 나오고 있기 때문이다. 이 글에서는 전주이씨 가계의 잡과 합격 현황을 살펴본 다음, 잡과에 진출한 전주이씨 집안에 대하여 주목하고자 한다. 구체적인 사례로서 제2대 임금 정종(定宗)의 제13남 장천군파(長川君派) 이택기 가계를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 잡과에 합격했다는 것은 기술관으로서의 입지를 보장해줄 뿐만 아니라, 고위직 기술관으로 진출할 수 있는 관직의 길을 담보해주는 것이었기 때문이다. 이 같은 검토를 통해서, 같은 성관이라 할지라도 파(派)를 달리하면 그 후손들의 신분과 위상이 미묘하게 달라지게 되었다는 것, 그리고 그것이 왕실의 후손들 가문에서 잡과에 진출해 잡과중인 가계를 형성하게 되는 계기가 되었다는 것을 밝혀낼 수 있었다. 뿐만 아니라 잡과중인 형성 과정에서 전주이씨 가계가 어떤 비중과 위상을 차지하고 있었는지, 그리고 조선 왕실 후손들이 잡과시험을 통해 잡과중인 집안으로 변모하여 생존했다는 것도 알 수 있었다. 그렇기 때문에 조선시대, 특히 후기의 경우, 성관만으로 신분, 양반과 중인 등을 단정지울 수는 없는 것이다. 같은 성관이라 하더라도 파(派)에 따라서 후손들의 신분과 위상이 미묘하게 달라지기도 했기 때문이다. 임진왜란 이후의 사회적 신분과 사회변동에 대해서는 구체적인 사례 연구와 더불어 다양한 측면에서 입체적으로 분석, 확인하는 작업이 필요하다. Jeonju LEE is known as the surname of the royal family and a prominent Yangban class of the Choson Dynasty. However, not all Jeonju Lee’s were Yangbans. After careful examination of historical literature, this report was able identify that even within the in Jeonju LEE family, there were Chungin’s(中人) who successfully passed the Chapkwa(雜科)-proving that it is erroneous to conclude one’s social status with one’s surname. This paper focuses on the Jeonju Lee family that took the Chapkwa. Specifically, this paper investigates Lee Taeg-ki, the 13th son of the King Jung-jong, and his family. Lee Taeg-ki was an official Chinese translator adalso Jangcheongun-pa(長川君派). Passing Chapkwa guarantees not only a position as a government techno-official, but also the route for a high ranking official. This study proves that even family members with the same surname had different social standing and status. Additionally, this paper found the status and importance of Jeonju Lee family in the process of forming Chapkwa-Chungin(雜科中人) and how they survived by becoming a Chapkwa-Chungin family. It is impossible to assume/conclude one’s class(Yangban, Chungin) by one’s surname in the late Choson Dynasty, because social status and social standing of descendants were differentiated by Pa(派). Therefore, in order to truly understand the social standing and social change in late Choson Dynasty, one needs to conduct specific case studies in diverse angles and spectrums.

전통주 주박의 항혈전 활성 평가

김미선(Mi-Sun Kim),이예슬(Ye-Seul Lee),김종식(Jong Sik Kim),신우창(Woo-Chang Shin),손호용(Ho-Yong Sohn) 한국생명과학회 2014 생명과학회지 Vol.24 No.8

전통주 주박을 이용한 고부가가치 식품소재 개발을 위해, 상업적 시설에서 생산된 3종 약주(J-B, J-S, J-Y) 및 2종 탁주(J-H, J-W) 주박의 ethanol 추출물 및 열수 추출물을 조제하고 이들의 혈액응고 저해활성, 혈소판 응집저해 활성 및 인간 적혈구 용혈활성을 평가하였다. 5종 주박의 pH는 3.90~4.29로 유사하였으나, brix는 5.0~27.0으로 다양하게 나타났으며, 수분 및 알코올 함량에서도 시료에 따라 1.8배의 차이를 나타내었다. 주박의 색차와 성분은 첨가된 부재료 및 사용누룩에 좌우되었으며, J-W 주박의 경우 수분함량이 80.3%, brix 13, 알코올 함량 1.8%를 함유하여 다른 주박에 비해 다양한 식품제조에 용이하게 이용 가능하리라 판단되었다. Ethanol 추출효율은 J-H, J-W, J-B, J-S, J-Y의 순, 열수 추출효율은 J-S, J-B, J-W, J-H, J-Y의 순으로 높았으며, 총폴리페놀 및 총플라보노이드함량은 ethanol 추출물 중에서는 J-H, 열수 추출물 중에서는 J-Y 주박에서 가장 높았다. 5종 주박의 10종 추출물은 모두 5 mg/ml 농도까지 인간 적혈구에 대한 용혈활성이 나타나지 않았으며, J-B, J-S, J-Y의 약주 주박의 ethanol 추출물에서 유의적인 혈액응고저해 활성이 나타났으며, J-W 탁주 주박의 열수 추출물에서 thrombin 저해 활성과 J-B, J-S 및 J-H 주박 열수 추출물에서 혈액 응고인자 저해활성을 확인하였다. 혈소판 응집저해 활성평가의 경우 J-W 탁주 주박의 ethanol 및 열수 추출물에서만 아스피린에 필적하는 우수한 활성이 확인되었다. 본 연구결과는 다양한 약주 및 탁주 주박이 항혈전 활성을 가지고 있으며, 주박으로부터 항혈전제 개발이 가능함을 제시하고 있다. In this study, ethanol and hot water extracts of lees from Korean traditional wine (J-B, J-S, J-Y, J-H, and J-W) were prepared, and their effects on blood coagulation, platelet aggregation, and hemolysis of human red blood cells (hRBCs) were investigated to develop functional food ingredients from lees. The pH and brix of the lees ranged from 3.90 to 4.29 and 5.0 to 27.0o, respectively, and there was a huge difference in the water and ethanol content among the lees. The nuruk and additives used affected the color and physicochemical properties of lees. The J-W takju made from only rice and traditional nuruk, which has 13o brix and 1.8% of alcohol, has potential as functional food ingredient. With regard to the extraction yields of lees, higher yields were obtained from J-H, which contains different medicinal plants, in ethanol, followed by J-W, J-B, J-S, and J-Y. Higher extraction yields of lees were obtained from J-S in hot water, followed by J-B, J-W, J-H, and J-Y, respectively. The ethanol extract of J-H and the hot water extract of J-Y had the highest contents of total polyphenol and total flavonoids among the lees extracts. The 10 lees extracts did not show hemolysis activity against hRBCs up to 5 mg/ml. In an anticoagulation activity assay, the ethanol extracts of three yakju lees (J-B, J-S, and J-Y) and the hot water extract of J-W inhibited thrombin activity, whereas the hot water extract of J-B, J-S, and J-H inhibited blood coagulation factors. In an antiplatelet aggregation activity assay, only the J-W takju lees showed significant inhibition activity. Our results suggest that lees from traditional wine had high potential as a novel antithrombosis agent.

Efficacy of loop electrosurgical excision procedure with cold coagulation for treating cervical intraepithelial neoplasia: A two center cohort study

( Hee Seung Kim ),( Jeong Eun Kwon ),( Jeong Ha Kim ),( Anna Kim ),( Na Ra Lee ),( Miseon Kim ),( Maria Lee ),( Dong Hoon Suh ),( Yong Beom Kim ) 대한산부인과학회 2017 Obstetrics & Gynecology Science Vol.60 No.2

Objective To evaluate the efficacy of loop electrosurgical excision procedure (LEEP) combined with cold coagulation for treating cervical intraepithelial neoplasia (CIN). Methods We reviewed clinic-pathologic data of 498 patients treated with LEEP alone (n=354), and LEEP combined with cold coagulation (n=144) between January 2000 and December 2011. After LEEP, we followed up all patients by using Papanicolaou smear and human papillomavirus (HPV) test, and evaluated abnormal cervical cytology-free interval and high-risk HPV infection-free interval. Moreover, we investigated independent factors affecting abnormal cervical cytology or high-risk HPV infection after LEEP. Results Abnormal cervical cytology-free interval was longer in patients treated with LEEP combined with cold coagulation than in those treated with LEEP alone (mean, 92.4 vs. 84.4 months; P=0.01), and patients treated with LEEP combined with cold coagulation also showed longer high-risk HPV infection-free interval than those treated with LEEP alone (mean, 87.6 vs. 59.1 months; P=0.01). Moreover, CIN 3 and cold coagulation were factors affecting abnormal cervical cytology after LEEP (adjusted hazard ratios, 1.90 and 0.61; 95% confidence intervals, 1.27 to 2.84 and 0.39 to 0.96), and CIN 3, positive deep cervical margin and cold coagulation were also factors affecting high-risk HPV infection after LEEP (adjusted hazard ratios, 2.07, 4.11, and 0.64; 95% confidence intervals, 1.38 to 3.08, 1.63 to 10.39, and 0.43 to 0.96). When we performed subgroup analyses for patients with CIN 2 or CIN 3, the result were similar. Conclusion LEEP combined with cold coagulation may be more effective for treating CIN than LEEP alone. Moreover, cold coagulation may decrease the risk of potential of recurrence after LEEP.