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Evolution of the Japanese Political Scene: Toward a Non-Issue-Oriented Two-Party System?
Karol Zakowski 서울대학교행정대학원 2011 Asian Journal of Political Science Vol.19 No.2
This article examines the nature of the two-party system in Japan. The electoral reformof 1994 has finally led to an alternation of power, but contrary to the predictions of thereformers, the competition between two major Japanese parties is not based on anysubstantial differences in their political programs. The Liberal Democratic Party and theDemocratic Party of Japan are mixtures of various groups rather than coherent parties andthe main axes of struggle on the Japanese political scene run across party divisions. Bothmajor parties are internally divided with regard to economic as well as defense policy. Themost important factor of Democratic Party of Japan’s identity has been the goal ofachieving an alternation of power and abolishing the Liberal Democratic Party style ofpolicymaking. Nevertheless, the discourse on political renewal has been undertaken also bythe Liberal Democratic Party. While the struggle between the partisans and the opponentsof Koizumi reforms continues in the Liberal Democratic Party, the Democratic Party ofJapan is torn apart between the proponents of ‘big’ and ‘small’ government.
Karol Zakowski 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2019 Pacific Focus Vol.34 No.3
The aim of this article is to analyze the influence of Prime Minister AbeShinzo’s nationalist stance on Japan’s policy towards China from a neo-classical realist perspective. It is argued that the extent to which Abe’sideological leaning exerted impact on foreign policy making depended onexternal stimuli, as well as Abe’s domestic political interests. Prime Minis-ter Abe generally perceived China as a threat to Japan, and remainedassertive towards it, but he also pragmatically displayedflexibility in suchareas as history issues, security policy, and territorial dispute. This articleanalyzes these complex developments in light of the changes in interna-tional environment and domestic politics, examining three periods: Abe’sfirst administration (2006–2007); the escalation of diplomatic disputes withChina (2012–2014); and gradual rapprochement with China (since 2014).It is concluded that the nationalist beliefs of decision makers affect foreignpolicy to the greatest extent whenever they are in line with other kinds ofvariables, such as external pressures and domestic interests
Zakowski, Karol World Association for Triple Helix and Future Stra 2012 Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia Vol.11 No.2
Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.
Kochikai of the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party and Its Evolution After the Cold War
Karol Zakowski 한국국제정치학회 KJIS 2011 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.9 No.2
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) held power in Japan almost unceasingly in the years 1955-2009. It has been widely known as a federation of factions rather than a homogeneous organization. One of the most important among its intra-party groups was Kochikai, a faction created in 1957 by the future Prime Minister Ikeda Hayato. By adhering to a so-called “Yoshida doctrine,” the politicians of Kochikai were able to shape a “conservative mainstream” in the party. During the Cold War they constituted a moderate group within the LDP, opposing remilitarization of Japan and constitutional revision. It was as late as the 1990s that their political beliefs had to face new challenges and the power of Kochikai started to fade. This process was caused not only by the evolution of geopolitical position of Japan, but also by intra-party factors, such as a general weakening of LDP factions. In September 2009 one of the most influential politicians of Kochikai, Tanigaki Sadakazu, was elected as the new party leader after a disastrous defeat of the LDP in parliamentary elections one month earlier. Today’s Kochikai, however, does not have as clear ideological leaning as the faction of Ikeda Hayato. In the paper I examine the evolution of Kochikai’s ideology through the succeeding generations of factional bosses, with an emphasis put on the changes after the end of the Cold War.