바닥재료 설계시의 고려사항

崔壽炅(Choi Sookyung) 대한건축학회 2007 建築 Vol.51 No.2

17세기 중국(中國) 여행기에 그려진 베트남의 경관 ― 『해외기사(海外紀事)』를 중심으로

최수경 ( Choi Sookyung ) 한국중국학회 2019 중국학보 Vol.89 No.-

본 논문은 17세기 후기 중국인들의 베트남 여행기에 재현된 경관을 대상으로 전통적으로 중국의 주변과 외국을 다룬 담론들과 상상의 지리가 어떻게 계승되었고 어떻게 변화되었는지, 그리고 이 시기 관찰자의 시선이 베트남을 어떻게 구성하고 있으며 그 의미는 무엇인지를 분석하였다. 특히 廣東의 승려 大汕(1633?~1704?)의 『海外紀事』(1699)를 논의의 중심으로 삼았다. 이 책은 저자가 당시 베트남 중부에 위치한 廣南에 1년 반 동안 체류한 뒤 완성한 베트남 여행기이다. 베트남은 과거 천 년간 중국의 지배를 받았고 전통적으로 중국인이 재현하는 베트남은 그러한 역사적 기억에서 바탕을 두고 있는 정복과 지배의 담론에서 벗어나지 못한다. 반면 대산의 여행기는 서사자의 개인적 체험을 위주로 서술되었다. 그는 자신이 그곳에서 중국의 사신들이나 받았을 법한 엄청난 환대와 존경을 받았으며 자신은 그에 상응하여 그들이 처한 온갖 어려움을 해결해주었다고 묘사하였다. 이 과정에서 그는 베트남 현지 사람들과 개인적으로 접촉하여 감정을 교류하고 더 나아가서는 그들의 감정을 전유한다. 또한 그는 다른 한족 지식인들과 달리 중원과 외국의 차이는 본질적인 것이 아니라 교육과 환경의 차이에서 기인한 것이라고 주장하면서 베트남 역시 중화와 같이 될 수 있다는 희망을 제시하기도 하였다. 물론 이러한 논리는 남녀 간의 질서가 지켜지지 않는 현재 베트남의 야만성을 전제로 하고 있다. 하지만 그는 베트남의 경관을 중국의 역사적 계보나 정치적 관계에서 탈피하여 개인의 미학적 욕구를 충족시키고 감정을 기탁할 수 있는 대상으로 새롭게 해석하였다. 이는 베트남을 시간적 서사에서 공간적 서사로 새롭게 재현하려는 시도이기도 하다. 즉 대산의 『海外紀事』는 베트남을 대상으로 한 최초의 감성적 여행기이자 脫역사적 시선으로 베트남을 재현한 개인의 견문록이기도 하다. This thesis analyzed how discussions about the surroundings of China and foreign countries and imaginary geography were succeeded and changed traditionally to the landscape reappeared in Chinese travelogues to Vietnam in the late 17th century, how the sight of observers organized Vietnam, and what the meaning is. Especially, Haiwai jishi (海外紀事)(1699) of Dashan (大汕, 1633?~1704?), a monk of Guangdong, was focused in the discussion. The book is about the trip to Vietnam, completed after a writer stayed in Guangnan (廣南) located in the middle area of Vietnam for 1 year and 6 months. Vietnam was governed by China for last 1 thousand years and Vietnam reappeared traditionally by Chinese cannot get out of the discussion of conquest and governing, that is on the historic memories. On the other hand, Dashan’s travelogue was mainly described by narrative’s individual experiences. He received enormous hospitality and respect as much as Chinese ambassadors may receive and described that he had solved all sorts of difficulties for them. In this process, he individually contacted to Vietnam local people, exchanged his emotion, and furthermore, enjoyed their emotion. In addition, unlike Chinese intellectuals, the difference between China and foreign countries is not essential and was caused by the difference between education and environment, as he suggested the hope that Vietnam can be also like China. Of course, the theory is premised by Vietnam brutality that order between men and women is not observed. However, he newly interpreted the landscape of Vietnam as the object satisfying individual aesthetic desire and donating emotion by getting out of Chinese historic genealogy or politic relations. It is also new trial to recognize Vietnam in spatial narration, not periodical narration. In other words, Haiwai jishi of Dashan is the first emotional trip for Vietnam and individual record of personal experience reappearing Vietnam from an transhistoric angle.

‘섬 오랑캐’들의 이야기: 『도이지략(島夷誌略)』의 세계와 제국적(帝國的) 재구성

최수경 ( Choi Sookyung ) 한국중국학회 2018 중국학보 Vol.85 No.-

본고에서는 元(1271~1368) 제국의 세계지리서이자 여행기인 『島夷誌略』을 주요 텍스트로 하여 이 시기의 세계 인식과 지식체계, ‘이역’과 ‘외국’을 재현하는 새로운 방식 등을 前代의 관련 문헌들과 비교하여 분석하였다. 『島夷誌略』은 중국 근대 이전에 직접 여행 경험을 바탕으로 쓴 여행기 중에서는 가장 많은 지역과 나라를 다루고 있다. 『島夷誌略』의 저자 汪大淵(1311~?)은 8년간 두 번에 걸쳐서 동남아시아, 인도, 서아시아, 아프리카 동쪽 연안의 지역까지 직접 배를 타고 여행하였다. 元 제국은 중국의 지리학 역사에서 가장 ‘과학적’인 지도가 탄생한 시기이다. 元 제국 시대의 지도는 실증적, 과학적 요소가 크게 증가하면서 중국 전통적인 지리 관념과 천하적 세계관에서 상당 부분 탈피하게 되었다. 때문에 『島夷誌略』에서 재현한 海外의 섬들은 기존의 문헌과 자료에 수록된 이역과 외국 관련 기록의 내용, 형식과 많이 다르다. 『島夷誌略』은 지금까지의 것과는 다른 별개의 정보에 기반하여 이역과 외국 관련 지식체계를 새롭게 구성하였다. 또한 현실 정치 세계의 우열이나 세력 판도를 고려하지 않고 각 항목마다 나라나 지역에 대한 정보를 일정한 패턴에 입각하여 서술한다. 중국을 사방에서 오랑캐들이 둘러싸고 있다는 기존의 천하 관념에서 벗어나 서사자는 고립적, 균질적으로 세계를 구성한다. 이전의 ‘제국의 레토릭’과 달리 서사자는 ‘중화문명’이라는 확고한 중심을 내세우지 않는다. 그 대신 서사자는 각 지역을 심미적, 경제적으로 대상화하면서 관찰자의 시선권력을 다시 한 번 상기시킨다. 표면적으로는 매우 객관적 태도를 보이는 듯한 元 제국의 중국인에게도 낯선 세계에 대한 재현은 결국 타자화를 거치지 않고는 이루어질 수 없음을 보여준다. 타자화는 필연적으로 장소에 대한 再의미화를 이끌어낸다. 서사자는 기존의 지리서에 남아 있던 초현실적, 신화적 성분을 거의 삭제했지만 그 대신 위험과 공포가 가득한 죽음의 땅으로 열대의 섬들을 의미화하였다. 그리고 『島夷誌略』에서 생산된 새로운 이역 관련 지식들은 다음 세대로 전승되고 재배치되면서 원전과는 다른 새로운 의미를 생산하고 유포하였을 것이다. In this article, the recognition for the world, knowledge system and new method to realize ‘strange land’ and ‘foreign country’ and so on will be compared and analyzed with the literatures of previous generation by using Daoyizhilue which is world geographic book and traveler’s journal in Yuan Empire (1271-1368) as main text. Daoyizhilue includes largest areas and nations among the traveler’s journals based on direct travel experience before the modern times of China. The author of Daoyizhilue, Wang Dayuan(1311-?) directly traveled to Southeast Asia, India, West Asia and east coast of Africa by the ship in twice for 8 years. Yuan Empire was a time that most ‘scientific’ map in the history of Chinese geography was created. The map of Yuan Empire time considerably broke traditional geographical ideology and the outlook of the world as a country by quite increasing of empirical and scientific constituents in the map. So, the islands in foreign countries realized in Daoyizhilue are quite different with the strange land containing in the literatures and data of previous generation. Daoyizhilue newly composed the knowledge system for strange lands and foreign countries based on individual data which is different with previous generation. Also, it describes the data for each country or area based on regular pattern without consideration for superiority and inferiority or the territory of the power in politics of real life. The describer isolatively and homogeneously composed the world getting out from existing outlook of the world as a country that the barbarians are surrounding China from every direction. The describer does not imposes firm center of ‘Chinese Civilization’ differently with previous ‘Imperial Rhetoric’. Alternatively, the describer reminds the power of a point of view once more by aesthetically and economically objectifying each area. It shows that the realization of strange area cannot be composed also to a Chinese of Yuan Empire who looked to show very objective attitude without passing through objectification. Objectification necessarily derives resignifying for the place. The describer deleted supernatural and mythic elements remained on existing geographic literatures, alternatively, signified tropical islands as a land of death full of danger and fear. And new knowledge for strange land produced in Daoyizhilue handed down to next generation and reassigned.

福建 烈女敍事 속 자살의 메커니즘과 그 재현에 관한 분석

崔琇景 ( Choi Sookyung ) 중국어문연구회 2023 中國語文論叢 Vol.- No.114

This paper aims to explore the patterns and implications of narratives depicting “public suicide” among women in the Fujian region. Compared to other regions, Fujian exhibited a relatively high incidence of women sacrificing their lives in fidelity to their husbands or fiancés. Notably, Fujian was known for its customs such as “hanging on a stand (datai),” where widows publicly committed suicide outside their homes, and “going to death (benxun),” where young women, having lost their fiancés, would go to their fiancé’s house and publicly end their lives after a series of rituals. Many local elites did not extensively document these suicides, as they are against Confucian ethics. Nevertheless, certain local gazetteer provided some descriptions, highlighting the public and conspicuous nature of these deaths, which exceeded the widely accepted boundaries of female virtue. Furthermore, specific depictions of open suicides by chaste women bear resemblance to sacrificial acts, possibly stemming from Fujian’s longstanding tradition of ghost worship. The suicides of passionate young women resonate with the belief in spirits and ghosts held by local women. Simultaneously, these behaviors can be seen as part of a chastity cult fostered by the local elite. By examining the public suicides in the Fujian region, we can discern a multi-layered structure. Not all of these narratives originate solely from the top-down discourse of fidelity imposed by the empire. Various factors contribute to the emergence of fractures in the overarching narrative surrounding chaste women.

‘물(物)’의 세계: 남송(南宋) 지리서가 구성한 ‘해외(海外)’와 그 의미

최수경 ( Choi Sookyung ) 중국어문연구회 2018 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.87

The premodern view of the world of Chinese people had been maintained at the Chinese-oriented composition. In the mind set of Chinese, the world was centered around China in the middle and barbarians (夷狄) surrounding them. Also, in reality, China and surrounding countries were placed within ‘The Chinese World Order’ where spiritual values and material values were being exchanged via payment of tributes. And ‘The Chinese World Order’ had been passed down and succeeded through diverse types of rituals and writings. However, during the Song Dynasty, China had stepped down from the absolute power in East Asia and degenerated as one of the ordinary countries, which prompted the people of Song Dynasty to clearly recognize their ‘Chinese perception’, and boundaries between China and other countries. Especially, during the period of Southern Song (1127-1279), Chinese people lost their supremacy in the mainland and started being engaged in maritime trade as they lived in southern part of China. During this period, several geography books emerged describing foreign countries beyond the ocean. Among them, the present research focuses on Zhou Qufei (周去非)’s Lingwai Daida (嶺外代答, 1178) and Zhao Rugua’s (趙汝适, 1170-1230) Zhufanzhi (諸蕃志, 1225). Especially, Zhufanzhi is the first world geography book of China that had introduced 57 foreign countries. However, even Zhufanzhi quoted a lot from previous history books and literatures and reproduced those countries by adding rumors, imaginations and legends. To intellectuals of Southern Song, the foreign countries were no more barbarians who should be assimilated into theChinese civilization but were 3rd party nations outside of China. These countries were introduced and listed separately without being ranked or correlated based on power dynamics. The world order and the relationship between the center and periphery were no more valid. The concept of overseas countries constituted through text, by the intellectuals of Southern Song was a world of fragments. This type of narrative style had been significantly influenced by the Chinese traditional natural history. In the Chinese traditional natural history, it was considered very important to distinguish individual knowledge of each object and also name those objects accurately. However, the geography book of Southern Song described foreign countries as space lacking the placeness. The only subjects demonstrating the placeness were the products and natural objects produced in those countries. Their text is based on reductive description, where each country temporarily possesses placeness by listing up certain things and those things indicate certain locations. The ‘foreign countries (諸蕃)’ were place defined by ‘objects’ and ‘overseas countries (海外)’ constituted by intellectuals of Southern Song were the world of ‘things (物)’.

明代 지식인들의 글쓰기에 나타난 蠻夷담론

최수경(Choi, Sookyung) 한국중어중문학회 2015 中語中文學 Vol.62 No.-

55 minorities in modern China are classified either as ‘non(非)-Chinese’ though they used to live in China or as descendants of ‘四夷’(si yi, non-Chinese of the four quarters) who used to live in neighboring areas. Those groups had various forms of relationship with Chinese government and have been recognized and recorded by Chinese. This study is mainly aimed to analyze the discourse about ‘四夷’ of Ming Dynasty intellects, particularly, about ‘蠻夷’(man yi) who used to live in South-western area of China. Main objects of study are 筆記(biji, informal jottings) works which described South-eastern area in 16thcentury. 王濟(Wang Ji)’s 『君子堂日詢手鏡』(Jun zi tang ri xun shou jing) completed in 1522 intensively described differences and boundaries between non(非)–Han people of South-western are and Han people of 中原(central plains). Since then, 田汝成(Tian Rucheng)’s 『炎徼紀聞』(Yanjiaojiwen) published in 1560 tried to assort and classify ‘蠻夷’ in South-western area. Tian Rucheng recognized and assorted the ethnicity of ‘蠻夷’ through various criteria of lineage, appearance, and cultural customs. In addition, descriptions of both Wang ji and Tian Rucheng showed characteristics of natural history. Wang ji plainly made them materialized and connected their nature with animals by juxtaposing non-Han people with ‘things(物)’ in the area. On the other hand, Tian Rucheng compared and classified them. He dominated them as objects of knowledge and information and incorporated them into a knowledge system by naming and defining them. This is the final goal of natural history, too. One common point from both Wang Ji and Tian Rucheng was that their discourses about ‘蠻夷’ didn’t include willingness to cultivate and civilize them. Traditionally, Chinese government has emphasized on ideology of ‘great unity’(大一統) that multi-ethnic groups should be unified into Han-centered culture, coexisting together. However, unlike these official discussions, ‘蠻夷’ was an object of separation, not of unification inside of Ming Dynasty intellects’ conceptions.

청(淸) 제국의 게토(ghetto) `묘강(苗疆)`의 서사 ― 18-19세기 지리서를 중심으로

최수경 ( Choi Sookyung ) 중국어문연구회 2017 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.82

The thesis aims to examine how `Miaojiang` is reenacted and signified in the documents from 18th-19th century. `Miaojiang` is an expression that indicates that residential areas of `Shengmiao(生苗)`, which was one of the minority groups in southwest of China. It emerged during the early 18th century when Qing dynasty started to control the southwest areas of China. This thesis focused on how Qing dynasty described Miaojiang to reenact and organize them into certain space by examination of two types of geographical documents, `Qiannanshilue(黔南識略)` and `Miaofangbeilan(苗防備覽)`. The writer of `Qiannanshilue`, `Aibida(愛必達)` described in detail regarding the process of Qing dynasty conquered Shengmiao areas of Guizhou(貴州) with force. In this book, he used highly patternized descriptions. He described Miaojiang as uninhabited, rugged and dangerous areas and repeats narrating `Description of pioneer`. This type of reproduction is very similar to the logic of `appropriation`, which was frequently used when Western civilization described the third-world colonies. In this composition, the desires of conquerors are changed to the desires of the conquered. The cause for conquerors to occupy the areas is because the barbarians should be civilized. Therefore, The `Description of pioneer` is often finished with `Description of Xianghua(向化)`. In fact, `Geography of morality` is shown which asserts that not only human beings but also the nature could be civilized. However, their reproduction of Miaojiang lacks specific sense of space. Similar depiction and monotonous description cannot deliver the identity of the areas and space. This is because the space lacks human beings. The native people appear as a group rather than individuals. They are the detrimental enemies to be eliminated or a vague group to show the difference between the Chinese civilization. Some conquerors link biological characteristics of the native people with moral and cultural inferiority to imply that they cannot be changed. They are described as fossilized beings that do not change nor exist. Therefore, the native people should be completely segregated from the certain environment of the areas. And placeness cannot be found in the description without individual human beings.

Alveolar Soft-Part Sarcoma

최수경(Sookyung Choi),박형동(Hyungdong Park),김창수(Changsoo Kim),고용복(Yongbok Koh),양기화(Giwha Yang) 대한외과학회 1984 Annals of Surgical Treatment and Research Vol.27 No.2

‘Reinterpretation of Huangfu(荒服)’

Choi Sookyung(崔琇景) 한국중어중문학회 2018 한국중어중문학회 우수논문집 Vol.- No.-

This paper aims to analyze how intellectuals of the time reproduced the nature, objects and people of the changing space, how this reproduction differs from the existing writing, and the meaning of the changing space in the Southwest of China, with a focus on “Qianshu” (1690) of Tian wen (田雯, 1635-1703), the official and literary worker who worked in Guizhou in the early Qing empire. Until late Ming Dynasty, most of the records that reproduced the change of the southwest part including Guizhou emphasized the difference between the central plains (中原) and this place. And by recreating the person with the strange things and the surreal power of the changing area, although the area was politically part of China, it has also been regarded as a alien land(異域), both culturally and psychologically. Indeed, the area was a semi-autonomous region that was virtually dominated by indigenous leaders until the early eighteenth century. However, since the establishment of Qing Empire, smaller changes to the changing region as well as changes to the perceptions of intellectual were starting to take place. The argument for cultural and ideological sinicization of the indigenous people through introducing civilization gains power. Tian wen’s “Qianshu”, unlike the previous record, emphasizes the wonders of Guizhou space, and reproduces the nature of the place like a Chinese landscape painting. Such a writing method serves to reduce Guizhou into a space of everyday life. Also, the poisonous herbs(毒草) of this place, which had previously been a source of fear for the Chinese officials, are subjected to the naturalistic narrative of the time, thereby eliminating the historical and social implications given to natural products here. All of these representations reflect the desire to construct Guizhou as part of the empire, not a place that is psychological distant. However, it does not differ from previous representation in terms of portrayal of people. The ethnographic description he used in this book is part of a shared knowledge system that can be found in other literature at the time, and he uses it without making any changes. Therefore, he emphasizes that this space is not much different from areas in our daily lives but that people there are still barbarous and immoral, showing that this is a place where improvement is necessary and possible. In other words, “Qianshu” symbolizes Guizhou as a very suitable space to accommodate the civilization projects of the Qing Empire.

‘荒服’의 재해석

최수경(Choi, Sookyung) 한국중어중문학회 2017 中語中文學 Vol.0 No.67

This paper aims to analyze how intellectuals of the time reproduced the nature, objects and people of the changing space, how this reproduction differs from the existing writing, and the meaning of the changing space in the Southwest of China, with a focus on “Qianshu” (1690) of Tian wen (田雯, 1635-1703), the official and literary worker who worked in Guizhou in the early Qing empire. Until late Ming Dynasty, most of the records that reproduced the change of the southwest part including Guizhou emphasized the difference between the central plains (中原) and this place. And by recreating the person with the strange things and the surreal power of the changing area, although the area was politically part of China, it has also been regarded as a alien land(異域), both culturally and psychologically. Indeed, the area was a semi-autonomous region that was virtually dominated by indigenous leaders until the early eighteenth century. However, since the establishment of Qing Empire, smaller changes to the changing region as well as changes to the perceptions of intellectual were starting to take place. The argument for cultural and ideological sinicization of the indigenous people through introducing civilization gains power. Tian wen’s "Qianshu", unlike the previous record, emphasizes the wonders of Guizhou space, and reproduces the nature of the place like a Chinese landscape painting. Such a writing method serves to reduce Guizhou into a space of everyday life. Also, the poisonous herbs of this place, which had previously been a source of fear for the Chinese officials, are subjected to the naturalistic narrative of the time, thereby eliminating the historical and social implications given to natural products here. All of these representations reflect the desire to construct Guizhou as part of the empire, not a place that is psychological distant. However, it does not differ from previous representation in terms of portrayal of people. The ethnographic description he used in this book is part of a shared knowledge system that can be found in other literature at the time, and he uses it without making any changes. Therefore, he emphasizes that this space is not much different from areas in our daily lives but that people there are still barbarous and immoral, showing that this is a place where improvement is necessary and possible. In other words, “Qianshu” symbolizes Guizhou as a very suitable space to accommodate the civilization projects of the Qing Empire.