18~20세기 초 동래지역의 인구와 주거양태

장경준(Jang Kyung Jun) 효원사학회 2010 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.37

In this article, I reviewed the population change in Dongrae in late Chosun dynasty and the housing issues due to this, and the population and hosing aspect of Dongrae in 18th to early 20th century as a basic study work on the change of housing aspect. Hence, the following conclusions could be made. The population of Dongrae from late 17th century to 1748 had decreased remarkably compared to late 17th century. Especially, significant decrease occurred from 1740 to 1748. This time period was A lot of deaths and migrants were developed due to the natural disasters, fatigue, endemic diseases, etc., which had been covered nationwide at this time period, and the population was decreased significantly, and therefore, the decline of population in Dongrae might be caused from these. The population from 1748 to 1832 showed remarkable increase, unlike the decline in the neighbor regions such as Daegu, Milyang, and Gimhae. Especially, the increasing trend from 1759 to 1780 was remarkable. This population increase may be because the people, who had been expelled from the land in reality difficult to survive due to the continuous fatigue and endemic diseases, gathered to Dongrae, where was the commercial city, so as to seek the living ways. The population from 1832 to 1899 showed a large decline in 1832 to 1864, and then repeated the growth and decline with general decline trend. Lowered living standards because of high population density together with feudal inconsistency might lead the decline trend of population. Upon the analysis of "family register of Dongha-myun" in 1908, all the houses were straw roofed, but no tiled roof. In addition, the size of houses varied from 1 room up to 8 rooms at maximum, however, 2 to 3 room-houses were the most prevalent, 235 out of 388 houses (60.6%). 388 house landlords registered in "family register of Dongha-myun" owned and occupied their houses wholly and they did not rent the whole houses or partial to others. Although some non-landlords who did not owned the houses were confirmed in "family register of Dongha-myun" beside landlords, the numbers might not be high.

기억의 정치와스토리텔링 근현대 역사에 대한 기억의 보전과 공유 -부산근대역사관 운영 사례를 중심으로-

장경준 ( Kyung Jun Jang ) 대구사학회 2012 대구사학 Vol.106 No.-

Conservation and Share of Memory on Modern History -Focused on Operating Case of the Busan Modern History Museum- Jang, Kyung-jun [Abstract] In this writing, after retrospecting activities of the Busan Modern History Museum on memory conservation during the time and investigating outcomes and problems appearing there, it suggested tasks to share memory on the public and modern history. The Busan Modern History Museum, from 2003 opening to now, through exhibit, acamedic research and investigation, social education, and etc, has thrown its effort to introduce history and culture of modern Busan. In the result, the existence of the Busan Modern History Museum gradually became known and the status as modern specialized museum increased. However, there are still many remaining tasks in front of the Busan Modern History Museum. First, contents fitting to the place should be contained so that historical sites are revived as places of memory. Second, through exhibits and education, it should communicate with the public and local communities endlessly. Regarding museum and exhibition, exhibit and education are main channel and method to communicate with them. Thus, afterwards more materials should be collect and studied, and organized and preserved, containing stories here to convey. Third, through endless self-examination and efforts, the public`s support and cooperation should be drawn. Without their support and cooperation, playing its role as the place of memory is impossible from the start. For this, it should commit itself to its duty such as collecting materials and conservation, investigation research, exhibit, education, and etc, and local governments and etc should help this from the side with the extensive support. At the same time, local communities along with colleges should spare no active support and advice with higher attention at museum and exhibition. By doing this, modern museums and exhibition will settle down as the place of memory to share and communicate the real memories of the public and history.

언양호적대장의 挾戶와 호당 구수

장경준(Jang, Kyung-Jun) 효원사학회 2013 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.44

18세기 호적상 ‘主戶’의 존재 양태와 戶의 모습에 대한 일고찰

張慶俊(Jang Kyung-Jun) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.67 No.-

This study examined the pattern of the household heads and the actual state of households through the comparison of the 1714 Daegu Joambang Hojeok(family register) and the 1720 Daegu Joambang Yangan(government register). In order to investigate the actual state of households it looked into the principles to investigate households and the principles to compose a household. To begin with, the comparison of household heads in the Hojeok and the family heads in the Yangan found that 102 household heads in the Hojeok (54.8%) are also registered as family heads in the Yangan while the rest 84 household heads(45.2%) are not. When examined based on family heads in the Yangan, 102 family heads in the Yangan (63.4%) are registered as household heads in the Hojeok while the rest 59 heads (36.6%) are not. Although lots of household heads in the Hojeok are also registered as family heads in the Yangan, not a few heads are not. In addition, lots of family heads in the Yangan are not registered as household heads in the Hojeok. Among household heads in the 1714 Hojeok, 102 heads that are also registered as family heads in the 1720 Yangan had an overall good economic ability, and probably were family heads when creating the Hojeok. This sets up the proposition, ‘Household heads in the Hojeok are also family heads in the Yangan.’ The validity of the proposition can be proved through 59 family heads in the Yangan who are not identified as household heads in the Hojeok. The 84 household heads who are not registered as family heads in the Yangan had lower levels of status and economic abilities than the 102 household heads who are identified as family heads in the Yangan. Therefore, the 84 household heads are hardly considered as family heads. Instead, they are considered as the mere owner or tenant of a house. This modifies the proposition, 'Household heads in the Hojeok are also family heads in the Yangan' into the proposition, ‘Household heads in the Hojeok are also a family head or the owner or tenant of a house in the Yangan.’ A household registered in the Hojeok is composed of a household head, the owner or tenant of a house, and his family or those who have dominance-subordination relationships with the household head. Therefore, as the owner or tenant of a house changes through the distribution of the house or selling or purchasing the house, the members of a household in the Hojeok can be removed or added. Actually, those who live separately are registered to belong to the same household while those who live together are registered to belong to different households. This is because the household in the Hojeok is composed based on the ownership or tenantship of a house. In this respect, a household in the Hojeok does not correspond to a household in reality. Nevertheless, it is not appropriate to consider a household in the Hojeok as the result of a complicated formation process in order to balance the total number of households. This is because the removal or addition to a household in the Hojeok, which seem appropriate at fist sight, appears to be a natural result attributed to changes in ownership or tenantship of a house. Therefore, according to the nation's principles to investigate households, the household in the Hojeok is considered as a legal procedure to grasp the owner or tenant of a house in reality.

초광각 카메라 기반 왜곡된 객체검출을 위한 심층신경망의 성능 비교 연구

장경준(Jang KyeongJun),이재용(Lee JaeYong),김학일(Kim Hakil) 대한기계학회 2022 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2022 No.3

18-19세기 노비 호구수 변화 양상에 대한 재검토

장경준(Jang, Kyung-Jun) 한국역사민속학회 2017 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.52

이 글은 18~19세기 호적대장에서 나타나는 ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상에 대해 재검토해 본 것이다. ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상은 1930년대 시카타(四方博)가 대구부 호적대장을 분석해 제출한 이래 신분제 해체의 논거로 기능해 왔다. 또 발전론적 역사 인식이 주류를 형성하면서부터는 더욱 굳건히 그 위치를 지키고 있다. 그 사이 연구자들은 이 양상의 해석에 대해 지나치다고 할 만큼 무관심하였다. 하지만 신분 관련 연구와 호적대장 및 호에 대한 연구 성과가 축적된 현재 입장에서 보면 이러한 태도는 전환이 불가피하다. 이에, 이 글에서는 기존 해석이 가진 문제점은 무엇이고 이는 어떤 식으로 수정해야 하는지를 논해 보았다. ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상은 상민이나 노비가 가지고 있던 가옥에 대한 권리가 대거 양반에게 이전되었음을 보여주는 것이다. 노비호가 소멸하는데도 불구하고 노비 인구가 그만큼 감소하지 않았던 이유도 노비들이 가옥에 대한 권리를 잃어 그 권리를 차지한 양반호에 흡수되었기 때문이었던 것이다. 결국, ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상이 진정 말하고자 한 것은 신분제 변화가 아닌 양반으로의 부의 집중이며, 소농의 위기였던 것이다. 이렇게 볼 때 호적대장은 당시의 사회경제상을 충실하게 반영하고 있다고 할 수 있다. ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상은 19세기에 나타나는 상민과 노비들의 가계지속성 저하, 양반호의 가입률 증가, 결합가족호의 가입 증가 등 제 현상들과 부합한다. 또 관의 부세 수탈, 부농으로의 토지 집중과 이들의 침탈, 심화된 빈부 격차, 토지로부터 이탈해 도망 · 유리한 민의 증가와 이에 따른 농민항쟁의 발발을 설명하는데도 아무런 무리가 없다. This research reviewed the aspect of ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves’ houses’ in the census register during 18<SUP>th</SUP>~19<SUP>th</SUP> century. The aspect, ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves’ houses’ functioned as the basis of disassembly of a status system since Shikata(四方博) analyzed and presented Daegubu census register in 1930s. Also, it has established its position more firmly since the progressive history awareness formed the mainstream. Meanwhile, researchers have shoed indifference enough to have excessive interpretation on this aspect. However, based on the current position accumulated with researches on the status system and census register and house, such attitude needs to be changed. Here, this research discussed the problem of the existing interpretation and the desirable way to correct it. The aspect, ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves’ houses’, shows that the right to house that had been owned by common people or slaves were largely transferred to noblemen. The reason that slave population did not decrease as much nevertheless extinction of slaves’ houses was because the slaves’ houses were absorbed into noblemen’s houses who captured the right as slaves lost their right to their houses. Eventually, the point that the aspect of ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves houses’ truly implied was the concentration of wealth on noblemen and the crisis of small farmers, not the change of status system. Accordingly, census register can be said to faithfully reflect the social economy of the period. The aspect ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves’ houses’ coincided with the overall phenomena such as fall of durability of household budget, increase of registration of noblemen’s houses, and increase of registration of combined family houses, etc. in the 19<SUP>th</SUP> century. Also, it is moderate to explain the increase of the people who escaped․left from the governmental exploitation of tax, land concentration on wealthy farmers and their plundering, deepened rich-poor gap, increase of people and outbreak of farmers’ uprising accordingly.

조선후기 호적대장의 승려 등재 배경과 그 양상

장경준 ( Kyung Jun Jang ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2006 大東文化硏究 Vol.54 No.-

19세기 말 漕船의 致敗와 官의 대응

장경준(Jang, Kyeongjun) 국립목포대학교 도서문화연구원 2013 島嶼文化 Vol.0 No.41

1880년 9월 9일과 9월 11일, 전라도 옥구현 관내 비응도와 가도 부근 해상에서 경상도 김해부 소속 조선인 來字船과 寒字船이 각각 치패했다. 치패로 인해 두 조선 선인들의 인명피해는 발생하지 않았지만 조선의 선체가 전부 또는 일부 파쇄되고 장재된 세곡이 침수되는가 하면 이 중 일부는 표실되는 등 재산피해는 결코 적지 않았다. 두 조선의 치패 사실을 인지한 옥구현은 즉각 사건 수습에 나섰다. 사건 수습은 침수된 세곡을 증출한 뒤 이를 발매하는 것으로 시작되었다. 침수 세곡의 증출 작업은 9월 11일부터 9월 20일까지 진행되었다. 옥구현은 이 기간 동안 來字船에서 침수된 세곡 1,100석 14두 4승 2합 5작 중 1,017석을, 그리고 寒字船에서 침수된 세곡 1,320석 14두 7승 3작은 그대로 모두 건져냈다. 세곡의 증출과 발매가 어느 정도 마무리되자 옥구현은 사건의 원인을 규명하기 위한 진상조사와 관련자 처벌에 착수했다. 옥구현은 사건의 원인 규명을 위해 두 조선의 사격과 호송감색에 대한 문초를 진행했다. 각처에서 유박한 탓에 운항이 지체되었고, 치패에도 불구하고 선인들 중 사상자가 전무했다는 점에서 옥구현은 이 사건을 이들이 고의로 운항을 지체해 우기에 조선을 치패케 함으로써 진패로 위장하지 않았나 의심하고 있었다. 그 결과 이들에 대한 문초는 이 사건이 과연 진패인지 고패인지를 가리는데 집중되었고, 옥구현은 자백을 받아내기 위해 이들을 호되게 추궁했다. 하지만 이들은 옥구현의 추궁을 시종일관 부인했고, 이 사건이 선인들의 농간에 의한 고패였을 것이라는 확신에도 불구하고 이들을 고패죄로 처벌할만한 결정적 단서를 확보하는 데는 실패했다. 그리하여 운항 상의 부주의 책임만을 물어 선인들을 현옥에 가두는 것으로 사건 처리를 종결했다. 이 사건은 치패 사건 처리를 맡은 담당 관아가 상부 관아와 긴밀한 보고·지시체계를 유지한 채 즉각 대응해 나가는 모습을 통해 사회적 불안과 모순이 심화되어 가던 시기에도 관의 위기관리시스템이 일정 부분 작동하고 있음을 확인시켜 준다. 또 사건의 원인을 선인들의 농간으로 확신하면서도 호송감색과 사격들의 자백에만 전적으로 의존할 뿐 그 밖의 범죄입증능력을 제대로 보여주지 못하고 있는 모습을 통해 관의 사건 대응 상의 한계도 함께 보여준다. On 9th and 11th of Sep in 1880, in the sea around Biyeung-do and Ga-do, ruled by Okgu-hyeon in Jeonra-do, two ships, Naeja-seon and Hanja-seon, belonging to Kimhae-bu Gyeongsang-do both sank. Apparently there was no loss of life due to the sinkings, but the front of the ships was damaged and the load of grain, paid as taxes, was soaked with water and destroyed, and some of the load was also washed away. The damage to property was not small. The Okgu-hyeon (a division of an administrative district), when they realized what had happened, immediately worked to resolve the crisis. The events were settled by taking the waterlogged grain out of the water and releasing it. The work of saving the grain lasted from 11th September to the 20th September. During this period, Okgu-hyeon fished 1,017 Seok of the 1,100 Seok 14 Du 4 Seung 2 Hab 5 Jak of the tax grain from the sunken Naeja-seon, and 1,320 Seok 14 Du, 7 Seung, 3 Jak from the Hanja-seon. When recovering and releasing the tax grain was almost settled, Okgu-heon set an investigation in motion to discover the cause of the event, and began by punishing the people involved in the event. Okgu-heon proceeded to question the sinking of the two ships and the method of transportation. Due to the fact that the sailing was delayed due to the ships frequent stops in each area, and as there were no injuries sustained during the sinking, Okgu-hyeon doubted that the people delayed the sailing on purpose in the midst of the rainy season and created a situation in which the ships sank. As a result the investigation into this event focused on the fact that, whether the sinking was an accident or planned event, the Okgu-hyeon had to use intense interrogation on the crews in order for them to confess. However, the people continued to deny the official’s questions, and the government officials failed to find critical evidence to punish them for the fabricated crime event although they had a strong gut feeling that this incident was a trick. Therefore the final punishment was to imprison the people only for careless sailing. Through this event we are able to see that the person responsible for the sinking of the ship immediately dealt with the event in a closed report-order system with the high government division. This event assures us that, even in the unsettled period, with social discord and contradictions, the government crisis-management system was working to a certain degree. However, at the same time, the officials were so sure of the people"s trickery but could only depend on the people"s confession and question on the method of transportation. Through this, it also demonstrates the limits of the government in dealing with this event.

정밀 지도 기반의 자율주행 자동차 교차로 대응 기법

장경준(Kyeongjun Jang),류춘우(Choonwoo Ryu),김학일(Hakil Kim) 한국자동차공학회 2023 한국자동차공학회 부문종합 학술대회 Vol.2023 No.5

해외상장기업 회계정보의 가치관련성에 대한 연구

장경준 ( Kyung Jun Jang ),김경호 ( Kyung Ho Kim ) 순천향대학교 사회과학연구소 2008 사회과학연구 Vol.14 No.2

As capital markets of the world become more globalized, more Korean firms are obtaining capital funds from overseas stock markets. In more developed countries, capital market supervision is generally tighter and higher reporting and disclosure standards are applicable. Therefore, we can expect that internationally listed firms are more concerned with quality of accounting information than domestic-only listed firms. This research empirically analyzes differences in value relevance of accounting information between internationally listed firms and domestic-only listed firms when using accounting based stock valuation models. Results are as follow. First, the explanatory power of book values and earnings, both collectively and individually, in stock valuation models is generally higher for internationally listed firms than for domestic-only listed firms. The result is consistent with the expectation that information quality of internationally listed firms is higher than that of domestic-only listed firms. Second, general findings of previous research that book values and earnings supplement each other in stock valuation are also supported in the test. When both variables are included in the models the explanatory power is generally higher than when only one of the two variables is included in the valuation models. %d, the explanatory power of book value is generally higher than that of earnings in stock valuation models. A possible limitation of this research is that the sample size of internationally listed firms is rather small because of the short history of international listing of Korean firms. An extension of the research period, which is now limited to only five years, may mitigate the small sample problem in the future.