The aim of this study is to investigate the correspondence relation of the neutralization and the writing, by analyzing the neutralization process of sixteenth and seventeenth century Korean language and it's relationship with the related phonological...
The aim of this study is to investigate the correspondence relation of the neutralization and the writing, by analyzing the neutralization process of sixteenth and seventeenth century Korean language and it's relationship with the related phonological phenomena from a diachronic perspective.
The writing change of syllable-final is that syllable-final ㅅ changed ㄷ, and ㄷ changed ㅅ. We will call the former A form, the latter B form. A form is an example that show the distinct progress of neutralization. B form does not directly relate neutralization.
In 15th century Korean language, we can find examples of A forms only in cases of the underlying phonemes ㅈ(Ji-eut), ㅊ(Chi-eut) chained to an affricate ㅈ. But in early 16th century, A forms's examples can be found in cases of the underlying phonemes ㅈ, ㅊ chained to an nasal ㄴ(Ni-eun). And in meddle 16th century, this phenomenon is enlarged to the stops.
In the second chapter, we are to ascertain that A form by neutralization started from the underlying phonemes ㅈ, ㅊ chained to an affricate ㅈ. After 『Dongguksinsoksamganghaengsildo』(1617), this phenomenon is reduced. A phonetic change by neutralization is happened before consonants and pouse. A phonetic change before vowels does not happened. This is because A form's change is blocked. Frequence in use of B form is increased momentarily because one's senses of grammar is changed. Therefore I argue that B form is writing change because one recognized that relationship of writing and phoneme is /t/ : ㅅ.
In the third chapter, I argue that the writing change of syllable-final ㅅ and ㄷ before vowels can not be thought of. About the blending writing and separate writing which appears in the 16th century literary materials, I explained them because writing is fixed.
In the fourth chapter, I argue that double writing of underlying phonemes ㅊ and, ㅌ is due to fixed writing. Only in A form the underlying phonemes ㅊ is found.
In the fifth chapter, examples reflexed of nasalization is classified with the character of syllable-final ㅅ and nasal consonant. Occurrence and enlargement of them differently appear according to words. In the 17th century literary materials, examples of nasalization is quickly reduced because writing is fixed. And I argue that fortition occurred only in environment of 'ㅅ+ㅅC'.