As the lives of the low class family in the 1990s are closely influenced by the neo-liberal society where the concepts of market and competition are the prime elements, leading to their poverty, those of the teenage women are also conditioned by the f...
As the lives of the low class family in the 1990s are closely influenced by the neo-liberal society where the concepts of market and competition are the prime elements, leading to their poverty, those of the teenage women are also conditioned by the family to whom they belong.
Unlike the middle class family under the concept of the neo-familialism in which the children are supported even after their marriages, the low class one in which there are not much of the traditional family functions including understanding, care, intimacy, etc. provided their children with the opportunity to be individualized away from the family care. Especially the change of the labor market contributed to this trend because even the teenage women could afford themselves without the help of the family owing to the expansion of the service industry.
The situations of the weakening of the social infrastructure, the poverty, and the intimacy crisis pushed the teenage women outside the family, offered them new human relationships departing from the traditional family concept, and encouraged the hope for the new family. The growing possibility of the teenage women's economic self-help on the basis of the part-time jobs called 'arbeit' in general Korean terms has, if limited, set a stage for constructing a new relationship of intimacy on the basis of the sexuality.
Above all, the romance, which is defined as the mixture of sexuality and love, intervened the teens' lives closely, connected itself with living together without marriage, and became a foundation for providing a different meaning of the sexuality comprising the pregnancy and marriage. They would not recognize the pregnancy of teenage women as a social taboo any more, nor would they accept the idea that the marriage opens a passage to the legitimization of the pregnancy. It is rather argued that the pregnancy is a result of the romance and becomes an legitimate activity in a moral term.
In this respect, the meaning of the pregnancy is reconstructed to leave room for making the pregnancy and childrearing possible rather than to focus on the prevention of conception, often resulting in the 'unwanted' pregnancy which most of those teens experience during the acquaintance. Here, we need to consider the involuntary pregnancy as a dilemma where there are various stages of options including abortion, childbirth, adoption, and childrearing.
First, the choice of abortion is not a simple solution. It is made from a wide range of considerations including the knowledge about the body, the attachment to the child, the relationship with the partner, the notion of the life, the prospect of the future living, and the abortion cost. The teen's abortion is a such a difficult decision to make that the childbirth is, even if adoption may subsequently follow, preferred over abortion.
However, the process of the pregnancy maintenance comes as a form of social exclusion. The teenage women face a difficult situation where they are not easily able to disclose the pregnancy to the neighbors, school, or society. And the fact that the teenage woman has to support herself or depend on a low income partner makes her further be excluded from the school, labor market, or maternal health security. Above all, the fact that the teen's pregnancy in Korean society is almost always linked to adoption because of its illegitimate disposition gives them such recognition as a 'lifetime scar' or regrets regardless of their desire of childrearing so that they feel this experience to be excluded from the motherhood which they value.
In contrast to the adoption experience, the choice for the childrearing is perceived as a 'courage' or a sense of 'pledge' to themselves and becomes the opportunity for a new life and a compensation if it comes with the support from the partner and the family. In this case, the teenage woman looks for a new family on the basis of the child, and identifies herself with a 'mother' or a 'parent'. Considering that the childrearing activity is relying on the limited sources of the teens, we might say, however, that it is not certain how their own lives and childrearing would be, in the long run, integrated.
The teens recognize the motherhood in terms that it is based on the identity of the bodily experience unique to the woman so that they see themselves as those teens not different from other older women becoming mothers, and understand the motherhood as a selection issue. That is, the motherhood is perceived as a choice made by the individual's will and capacity, not by the age. To them, the 'choice for motherhood' is legitimized in terms that they take care of the children as excellently as other mothers do. This implies that the teens' understanding of the mothering is based on their early motherhood experiences and perceptions of the future mothering so that they see the mothering in a new way, different from the traditional one based on the historical mothering of the older mothers.
The teen age women go so far as to think that their lives would not change whether they bring up children or not, showing that they have no exits to their lives, and demanding the acceptance of their lives as the mothering subjects. It is suggested that unlike the traditional idea that the teen's pregnancy is the result of the teens' sex activities devoid of discipline and patience, it is a choice made in favor of the motherhood, and the motherhood comes in a different manner in the change of meaning construction of the pregnancy and the social context pertaining to them.
It is, however, important to say that the teen's choices are the byproducts of the changing lifestyle surrounding the teens and limited social resources rather than the individual's liberal choice. Under the condition that the school and the family would not be any help to their lives, and the protection and the care which they need most are not within their reaches, they perceive the pregnancy/motherhood as the opportunity to recover the lost intimacy and to satisfy the desire of the long-term relationship. Above all, the existence of the partner comes first in the choice of the motherhood, and especially in case of the childrearing, the support from the partner plays a crucial role in selecting motherhood even if he had a limited knowledge in the understanding and responsibility of the parenthood.
The findings of this study reveal that the teen's pregnancy/motherhood is constructed within the gender/class context in Korean society where the teen's sexuality agenda need to be extended to a wider area comprising pregnancy/childbirth, and to be explained and classified in a different manner, not just limited to the sexual one. The point is that with the teens' individualized life style changes, the pursuit of intimacy represented by the romance, the motherhood choice is made. However, this does not mean that the choice is a sole factor in determining the lives of the teen; rather, the teens' motherhood can be a selective activity with a desire they seek and in a situation they face.
This implies that we need to pay more attention to and give more consideration for the future research on the teen's pregnancy/motherhood in Korean society. To be specific, the social discourse on the pregnancy/motherhood needs to be focused and extended, and it should be conducted in the context of the reality they face, the desires they have reserved, and the relationship with the future. Especially, given that the inequality of the social resources surrounding the teenage women plays an important role in their selection, we need to focus more on the improvement of fair distribution of the resources.