지역과 젠더통제, 여성노동자들의 저항 : 80년대 대구지역 섬유산업을 중심으로 = Region, Gender Control, and Woman Workers' Protest : centered on the textile industry in Daegu of the 1980s

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This study, through the qualitative research methods, analyzes the influences of the political, and cultural factors, as well as of the industrial structure of Daegu City on the labor control, and on the woman workers' movement in the textile industry of the 1980s. Especially by way of using relationship-context oriented approaches rather than incident-act oriented approaches, this research examines cases of the woman workers' movement of Daegu area that had not been officially documented, and the lines and ways of the activities of the labor movement organizations. Then it tries to make a dynamic explanation about the relationships among labor people, labor activists, and labor organizations.
In Daegu's textile industry that had been one of the key industries of Korean economy, and occupied much weight in local economy, a much more traditional and premodern ways of gender control had been practiced than in any other regions and industries. Those can be summed up as follows: sexual, and guardianship control by the labor organizations based on man and woman gender hierarchy, and the monitoring, discipline, and control of teenage student workers with the mechanism of industrial schools, and dormitories. Against these kinds of controls, the woman workers had tried to change their multiple identities such as family supporters, as students in case of worker-students, as single women as brides-to-be, and had sought to develop their status within their life spheres. These processes taken by the means of wage labor were their daily endeavor to acquire the minimum level of humane life, but could not but be retarded by the barrier of their self-awareness of gender control. The woman workers' desire to realize a formal type of womanliness, and to incorporate into the mainstream of youth culture had influenced their ways of adaptation. In addition, much of their diverse knowledge system of daily life such as relationship with other sex, and marriage as well as its process of practice was correlated with their experiences within their work places. Thus, this kind of experience had influenced their adaptation to the labor control. In particular, though woman workers' orientation to relationship had formed a peculiar sisterhood among themselves, and had become a foundation for resisting the gender control, it also worked as a factor for them to adjust to man workers centered patriarchal system. However, the choice between conformity and resistance was a variable one depending on the power relationship between the labor and management, and on the gender power relationship in the region.
In regard to the woman workers' conditions for solidarity, most of them dwelled together in the dormitories, but worked in the spatially and timely diffused working system, thus their relationship networks were isolated and dispersed due to the diverse ways of labor control. In the spinning and weaving parts of Daegu textile industry, the inofficial team systems combined with man and woman workers had emphasized the roles of man workers in the work process, and this became a barrier to the solidarity of woman workers and to the formation of woman leadership. As a result, the activities of labor unions of textile industry in Daegu of the 1980s had been led by the man workers, the number of which was less than that of woman workers.
There had been many woman members in the labor movement organizations in Daegu area of the 1980s, but they regarded the woman problems not as trivial ones separated from the labor problems. A considerable number of woman activists tended to give up or refuse the labor theories. This made them to be restricted to the factions which are out of power in the organization. The semi-open organization that had emerged since 1988 emphasized discipline, practice, and centralization within it. Within this organization, the woman activists considered their roles as subsidiary and revealed a tendency to adjust themselves to this trend. At the same time, as the man centeredness became stronger, they felt a patriarchical discrimination, which linked them to the self-awareness of the woman problems.
From the 1970s to the 1990s, the level of Daegu textile industry labor movements had developed little by little. However, since there were many small and medium size work places, and much severe crackdown on labor movement, the labor movement organizations had been led by minority members, and battling unionist lines not by mass lines. However, those lines paid little endeavor to the preparation of the area of daily life, and of the foundation of the field. Thus, there were many cases in which woman activists had worked depending on their individual capabilities. Though some woman activists made some achievement, they spend their strength on the local propaganda activities rather than on the organization of labor unions within individual work places. As the initiative of the labor unions were taken by man workers as managers of medium level, some democracy-oriented woman labor activists got suffered a patriarchical discrimination. These diverse aspects had caused the prevention of the viable growth of woman workers' movement in Daegu textile industry, and the declining of movement itself as the textile industry began to wane after 1991.
The local characteristics of Daegu represented by conservatism, exclusivity, cronyism, small-mind centralism, authoritative patriarchy, hierarchial culture, and regional superiority had been the basis for the gender control at work places, and, by being internalized into the labor movement organization, and into the operation way of labor union system, had affected the development of woman workers' movement. Also the ways of adaptation to this taken by the woman workers and woman labor activists showed some common characteristics such as individuality, isolation and dispersion, conformity to rules and loyalty, faithful adjustment and survival, refusal of rationality and non-compromise, and accidental and unorganized resistance. Conservatism specific to Daegu had been a barrier to the development of mass labor movement, but at the same time revealed a double face by way of working as a factor with which the woman labor activists could strengthen their in-group solidarity.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 제1장 서론 = 1
• 1. 연구배경과 연구목적 = 1
• 2. 연구문제와 연구방법 = 5
• 제2장 선행연구 검토와 분석틀 = 19
• 1. 여성노동자운동 연구 = 19
• 2. 구조적 맥락 : 노동통제와 지역 = 23
• 3. 주체적 조건 : 여성 노동자들의 관계망 = 30
• 3. 본 연구의 관점과 분석틀 = 36
• 제3장 대구의 지역적 특성 = 40
• 1. 정치적 특성과 사회문화적 특성 = 40
• 2. 대구 섬유산업의 구조적 특성 = 47
• 3. 지역사회와 섬유산업 여성노동자 = 55
• 4. 소결 : 지역성 - 젠더통제의 기반 = 59
• 제4장 작업장 젠더통제와 여성노동자 = 62
• 1. 대구 섬유산업 여성 노동력의 특성 = 63
• 2. 작업장 젠더통제의 양태와 수준 = 71
• 3. 여성노동자의 적응양식 = 100
• 4. 소결 : 대구섬유산업 젠더통제의 특성과 여성노동자운동의 조건 = 136
• 제5장 노동운동조직과 여성 활동가 = 141
• 1. 지역노동운동과 여성 활동가의 성장 = 142
• 2. 1980년대 변혁 지향적 노동운동조직의 활동방식과 노선 = 154
• 3. 여성 활동가의 수용양식 = 187
• 4. 소결 : 노동운동조직의 지역적 특성과 여성노동자운동의 조건 = 202
• 제6장 여성노동자의 조직화와 운동 = 207
• 1. 초기의 저항과 해고 (B섬유와 C방직의 사례) = 208
• 2. 파업과 노조 결성, 탄압과 성적 통제 (D방직과 E어패럴의 사례) = 218
• 3. 남성 주도 민주노조와 여성노동자(F섬유와 G섬유의 사례) = 236
• 4. 소결 : 1980년대 대구 섬유산업 여성노동자운동의 특성 = 253
• 제7장 여성노동자운동과 지역성 = 258
• 1. 요약 및 함의 = 258
• 2. 연구 한계와 향후 과제 = 263
• 참고문헌 = 267
• 부록1. 대구 섬유산업 여성노동자 관련 1차 자료 목록 = 277
• 부록2. 질문지 = 278
• 부록3. 대구 섬유산업 노동운동사 관련사건 연표 = 279
• Abstract = 282