This study is an attempt at exploring the feminist significance and limitations of the conscientious objection movement which made its appearance in the 2000s in Korea, a country of the male conscription system. The conscription system reinforces the ...
This study is an attempt at exploring the feminist significance and limitations of the conscientious objection movement which made its appearance in the 2000s in Korea, a country of the male conscription system. The conscription system reinforces the gendered divide of man-protector and woman-protected and creates a hierarchy among the national citizens, granting national representativeness to men who have fulfilled their military service. The public appearance of conscientious objectors challenges the premise that every man must become a soldier and questions the imperative of national security based on armed force. The conscientious objection movement implies resistance against the gendered role of the male national as well as a possibility for undermining the national citizen identity hierarchized around military service obligation.
The conscientious objection movement is faced with much social opposition, including a strong security argument and nationalism and a solidarity among men demanding equal sharing of military service. This study pays attention to the gender politics of the arguments employed by the conscientious objection movement to obtain social membership rights of the conscientious objectors and justify its cause. It analyzes the masculinity involved in the arguments employed by the conscientious objection movement to persuade society and to fight the stigma against conscientious objectors. In doing this, it examines the characteristics of the masculinity based on military service obligation, questions whether the conscientious objection movement aiming at demilitarism and peace disintegrates the strong links between manhood, soldierhood and national citizenhood, and tries to figure out how this may be related with the issue of membership rights of the 'non-nationals' excluded from military service obligation. In-dept interviews with 'political' objectors and conscientious objection activists were carried out along with discourse analyses based on written material. The results are as follows.
First, democratization served as a momentum for demands for the equalization of the military service obligation to be increased and for the existence of conscientious objectors to gain visibility in Korean society. With the expansion of democratization throughout society and the emergence of a new peace movement, renewed attention was given to conscientious objection and the 'political' objection movement came on stage. The political objection movement which grew out of defiance to the imperialist war persisting in the 21st century argued for the right to reject military service and for an alternative service system, manifesting the differences among men regarding the will to carry out military service. Those differences implied a questioning of the imperative that men ought to be soldiers and a challenging of militarized masculinity.
Second, the conscientious objection movement ran into harsh opposition from the onset. The background for the opposition against the movement consisted of ① the national security argument emphasizing the male/national citizen's role of 'protecting the nation' from enemy threat through military power, ② a strong nationalism holding duties to the state as the highest priority, and ③ male solidarity for equity in military service obligation, claiming that all men should bear military service equally. Accordingly, objectors to military service have been stigmatized as selfish 'non-patriots,' pushed out of the realm of normalcy created within the linkage of soldierhood and manhood, and made a mockery of. In justification of the reality in which objectors to military service must go to jail, the opposition discourse to conscientious objection plays up the hardships experienced by men in the army, signifying military service as a great 'sacrifice' to protect the state and the family at the risk of the men's own lives.
Third, in the process of procuring the right to object to military service and having the rightfulness of alternative service be acknowledged, the conscientious objection movement is mobilizing both formal arguments and informal arguments. With the truthful motive for conscientious objection under constant scrutiny, reasons that lend more easily to stigmatization as draft dodgers are treated as 'personal' and overridden, and the conscientious objectors are often found trying to prove themselves as possessing strong morals and beliefs or emphasizing 'other' duties to the state. But in this process of procuring the rightfulness of objection to military service, the meaning of peace is reduced and the gendered argument for national security ends up being approved. Also, the male subject is represented as bearers of strong beliefs and duties to the state, which overshadows the meaning of resistance against existing masculinity. Rather than questioning the meaning of the modern individual premised upon the public/private hierarchy and the transcendent male subject, the conscientious objection movement relies heavily on the nationalist discourse.
Fourth, the conscientious objection movement is limited in that it approves the male-centric national citizen identity through solidarity with men who have served or are serving in the army, rather than emphasizing differences among men regarding military service obligation and seeking to break the linkage of manhood/soldierhood/national citizenhood. In the process of signifying military service obligation based on the gendered order of man-protector and woman-protected as a 'sacrifice,' that gendered order ends up being approved and reinforced. Also, the alternative service system claimed by the conscientious objection movement is under the conditions of reality in which the military service is 'substituted' by other kinds of duties that belong to the national citizens (men). In the reality in which the criteria for evaluating qualifications for contributing and the amount of contribution to the state are gendered, the alternative policy suggested by the conscientious objection movement fails to connect with the issue of membership of the 'non-nationals' excluded from military service obligation and instead leads to the reinforcement of nationalism through the solidarity of men who are qualified to 'sacrifice' themselves for the state.
This study has tried to reveal the multilateral aspects of manhood and national citizenhood by examining the gender politics of the arguments employed by the conscientious objection movement and to explore crevices in the male-centric national citizen identity. Largely deemed as a radical movement challenging an area of taboo, the conscientious objection movement is failing to progress on to demilitarism and denationalism, but rather being reduced to male politics. Taking the elimination of belligerence as meaning peace, it is claiming peace and demilitarism based on the public/private hierarchy. Existing feminist research dealing with militarism and conscription has pointed to the need to disintegrate the strong linkage of man/soldier/national citizen, but by and large considered the relationship of military service obligation and the male national citizen identity as fixed. This study has indicated that to renounce male soldierhood is not to challenge the male-centric national citizen identity. Countering the male-centric national citizen identity and the hierarchized of social membership would be made possible by reconceptualizing 'peace' based on the public/private hierarchy and problematizing national citizenhood based on duties to the state.
Key words: military service obligation, conscientious objection, social movement, nationalism, masculinity